Frases de Gustav Stresemann

Gustav Stresemann Foto
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Gustav Stresemann

Fecha de nacimiento: 10. Mayo 1878
Fecha de muerte: 3. Octubre 1929

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Gustav Stresemann fue un político alemán nombrado en 1923 canciller y ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, cargo este último que conservó hasta su muerte.

Fundador y dirigente del Partido Popular Alemán , fue una figura ineludible de la República de Weimar, periodo en el que mediante la puesta en práctica de una política pragmática de compromisos logró que Alemania recobrara parte del peso diplomático y económico perdido tras la Primera Guerra Mundial: su estrategia se basaba en conseguir avances en estos terrenos a cambio de cada concesión alemana. Tras controlar la hiperinflación que amenazaba la existencia misma de Alemania, Stresemann encaró otros problemas como la ocupación del Ruhr por los ejércitos francés y belga, las reparaciones de guerra o la cuestión fronteriza latente desde el Tratado de Versalles.

La índole pragmática de su política le procuró muchos enemigos y acabó siendo abandonado por una gran parte de la clase política con la que tuvo que lidiar. Junto a Aristide Briand fue el artífice del acercamiento franco-alemán y de otros numerosos acuerdos diplomáticos que pretendían estabilizar la situación en la Europa de la posguerra, lo que les valió a ambos la concesión del Premio Nobel de la Paz en 1926. Sin embargo, este acercamiento se detuvo con la muerte de Stresemann, que supuso para la República de Weimar la pérdida de uno de sus últimos defensores.

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Frases Gustav Stresemann

„We... would nevertheless make it clear that entirely independent political structures are impossible here [in the Baltic]... They cannot lead an isolated existence between the colossi of West and East. We hope that they will seek and find this support with us. The German occupation will have to continue for a long time, lest the anarchy we have just been combating should arise again. We shall have to safeguard the position of the Germans, a position consistent with their economic and cultural achievements... Herr Scheiddemann, said that we have made ourselves new enemies in the world through our push in the East... Had we continued the negotiations, we should still be sitting with Herr Trotski in Brest Litovsk. As it is, the advance has brought us peace in a few days and I think we should recognise this and not delude ourselves, particularly as regards the East, that if by resolutions made here in the Reichstag or through our Government's acceptance of the entirely welcome initiative of His Holiness the Pope, we had agreed to a peace without indemnities and annexations, we should have had peace in the East. In view of our situation as a whole, I should regard a fresh peace offer as an evil. My chief objection is against the detachment of the Belgian question from the whole complex of the question of peace. It is precisely if Belgium is not to be annexed that Belgium is the best dead pledge we hold, notably as regards England. The restoration of Belgium before we conclude peace with England seems to me an utter political and diplomatic impossibility... There is a great difference between the first set of terms at Brest-Litovsk and the ultimatum that we have now presented, and the blame for this change rests with those who refused to come to an agreement with Germany and who, consequently, must now feel her power. We are just as free to choose between understanding and the exploitation of victory in the case of the West, and I hope that these eight or fourteen days that have elapsed between the first set of peace terms in Brest-Litovsk and the second set, may also have an educational effect in that direction.“

—  Gustav Stresemann
Speech in the Reichstag (25 February 1918), quoted in W. M. Knight-Patterson, Germany. From Defeat to Conquest 1913-1933 (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1945), pp. 159-160.

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„The question poses itself whether we should look on with folded arms while those Germans of the Baltic countries who, despite all the persecution, all the misery and all the difficulties have stuck to the German language and German culture, are being slaughtered... It would be incomprehensible if we, who have exerted ourselves for the freedom of ethnically foreign nations, failed to let our hearts beat first of all for the Balts, who are our own flesh and blood... If to-day you go to Riga or Mitau, you will be confronted by such a pure, unadulterated Germanism that sometimes you would wish it could be united with Germany... When, in addition to Courland, we have also occupied Latvia and Estonia, then I hope that the day will also come when this old German soil will lie under the protection of the great Reich... This does not mean annexation of these territories. But it does mean a free Baltic in close dependence on Germany, under our military, moral, political, and cultural protection. I think it would be one of the finest aims of this world war if we could merge this piece of loyal Germanism with ourselves as intimately as it desires to be merged... The Baltic Germans have completely preserved their German culture: a shining example for the Americanized grandchildren of German grandfathers.“

—  Gustav Stresemann
Speech in the Reichstag (19 February 1918), quoted in W. M. Knight-Patterson, Germany. From Defeat to Conquest 1913-1933 (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1945), pp. 149-150.

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