Frases de Calvin Coolidge

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Calvin Coolidge

Fecha de nacimiento: 4. Julio 1872
Fecha de muerte: 5. Enero 1933

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John Calvin Coolidge Jr. fue el trigésimo presidente de los Estados Unidos . Era un abogado republicano de Vermont, que comenzó su carrera política en Massachusetts, estado del que fue gobernador. Su reacción a la huelga de la policía de Boston de 1919 le dio fama nacional y reputación de persona decidida. Poco después asumió el cargo de vicepresidente, en 1920; luego asumió la Presidencia del país al fallecer el presidente Warren G. Harding en 1923. Ganó las elecciones de 1924, se granjeó fama de conservador favorable a un Estado reducido y una mínima intervención gubernamental en la economía estadounidense. Se le recuerda como un hombre austero, frugal, discreto y extraordinariamente parco en palabras, pero que tenía un agudo sentido del humor. Es destacable el hecho de que, aunque careciera de carisma y locuacidad, no perdió una sola elección en toda su carrera política.

Coolidge nació en Plymouth, Vermont, en 1872. Era hijo de un político de Vermont; estudió derecho en el Amherst College de Massachusetts y empezó a ejercer como abogado en 1897, para lo cual se estableció en Northampton, Massachusetts. En 1898 fue elegido para un cargo en el municipio y empezó a intervenir activamente en política, uniéndose al Partido Republicano. En 1906 fue elegido para el Senado del estado de Massachusetts, donde amplió considerablemente su carrera política, y en el año 1918 ganó la elección para gobernador del estado.

Ganó fama nacional durante su periodo como gobernador cuando se enfrentó a una gran huelga de policías en Boston en septiembre de 1919, para lo cual llamó a la milicia local con el fin de que asumiera roles de seguridad urbana y evitar saqueo y violencia que ocurrieron en la ciudad durante las primeras 48 horas de la huelga policial. Su negativa a ceder a la presión de los huelguistas y su posterior rechazo a reincorporarlos a la policía tras el fracaso de la huelga, le otorgó popularidad entre los elementos más conservadores del Partido Republicano. Sus colegas de partido pronto le dieron la ocasión de postularse como vicepresidente de Estados Unidos, en las elecciones del año 1920 acompañando al candidato republicano, el senador por Ohio Warren G. Harding. Coolidge asumió el cargo de vicepresidente en marzo de 1921, dedicándose a actividades protocolarias propias de su cargo y forjándose al mismo tiempo la imagen pública de un «hombre de pocas palabras», enemigo de dar largos discursos y aficionado a hablar solo lo necesario e indispensable. En 1924, venció en las elecciones presidenciales a sus rivales, con holgada ventaja.

Coolidge recuperó al confianza pública en el Gobierno tras los escándalos del mandato de Harding, y acabó el suyo con notable satisfacción del electorado.[1]​[2]​ Uno de sus biógrafos escribió que: «encarnaba en el espíritu y las aspiraciones de la clase media, podía interpretar sus ansias y expresar sus opiniones. Que lograse representar la genialidad del hombre de la calle fue la prueba suprema de su fortaleza política».[3]​ Creyente en la libertad de empresa, rechazó utilizar el poder federal para mejorar la condición deprimida de la agricultores y de ciertas industrias. Uno de los principales problemas fueron los proyectos para otorgar subsidios agrarios en un intento de compensar la reducción de los precios de los productos agrícolas; Coolidge se negó a aprobar tales subsidios alegando que manipular precios resultaba un peligro para la economía nacional, y rechazó aún más tajantemente la propuesta de que el Gobierno federal comprara los excedentes agrícolas. Asimismo Coolidge mostró un sincero interés en promover el laissez-faire en la economía estadounidense, rechazando el intervencionismo estatal en todo lo posible, y reiterando que el crecimiento económico del país experimentado en los «felices años veinte» debía ser preservado mediante reducciones de impuestos, para con ello promover la industria y el comercio internacional; por entonces, los Estados Unidos se estaban convirtiendo en la primera potencia mundial. En política exterior, favoreció el aislacionismo y rehusó que los Estados Unidos ingresasen en la Sociedad de Naciones al considerarlo un gesto «inútil».

Tras cumplirse el periodo de su mandato en 1928, declinó presentarse de nuevo a la presidencia, pero tampoco ofreció su apoyo a Herbert Hoover, designado candidato del Partido Republicano para esa elección. Tras su presidencia, Coolidge se retiró a su propiedad rural de Northampton, Vermont, donde falleció el 5 de enero de 1933. Aunque su reputación repuntó durante la presidencia de Ronald Reagan, su valoración posterior es menos favorable. Ensalzado por los partidarios de un Estado reducido y por los liberales, los que prefieren un Gobierno más activo tienen peor visión de él; ambos, grupos, sin embargo, alaban su decidida defensa de la igualdad racial.[4]​[5]​

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Frases Calvin Coolidge

„Governments do not make ideals, but ideals make governments.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: Governments do not make ideals, but ideals make governments. This is both historically and logically true. Of course the government can help to sustain ideals and can create institutions through which they can be the better observed, but their source by their very nature is in the people. The people have to bear their own responsibilities. There is no method by which that burden can be shifted to the government. It is not the enactment, but the observance of laws, that creates the character of a nation.

„Changing economic conditions made slavery profitable in the south, but left it unprofitable in the north. The resulting war might have been avoided if the south had adopted a policy of ultimate abolition. But as this method was not pursued the differences grew sharper until they brought on the great conflict.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: This increasing unification has well-nigh obliterated State lines so far as concerns many relations of life. Yet, in a country of such enormous expanse, there must always be certain regional differences in social outlook and economic thought. The most familiar illustration of this is found in the history of slavery. The Constitution did not interfere with slavery, except to fix a time when the foreign slave trade should be abolished. Yet within a generation the country was confronting a sharp sectional division on this issue. Changing economic conditions made slavery profitable in the south, but left it unprofitable in the north. The resulting war might have been avoided if the south had adopted a policy of ultimate abolition. But as this method was not pursued the differences grew sharper until they brought on the great conflict.

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„Murder rarely goes unpunished in Britain or France; here the reverse is true. The same survey reports many times as many burglaries in parts of America as in all England; and, whereas a very high percent of burglars in England are caught and punished, in parts of our country only a very low percent are finally punished. The comparison can not fail to be disturbing.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: When the local government unit evades its responsibility in one direction, it is started in the vicious way of disregard of law and laxity of living. The police force which is administered on the assumption that the violation of some laws may be ignored has started toward demoralization. The community which approves such administration is making dangerous concessions. There is no use disguising the fact that as a nation our attitude toward the prevention and punishment of crime needs more serious attention. I read the other day a survey which showed that in proportion to population we have eight times as many murders as Great Britain, and five times as many as France. Murder rarely goes unpunished in Britain or France; here the reverse is true. The same survey reports many times as many burglaries in parts of America as in all England; and, whereas a very high percent of burglars in England are caught and punished, in parts of our country only a very low percent are finally punished. The comparison can not fail to be disturbing. The conclusion is inescapable that laxity of administration reacts upon public opinion, causing cynicism and loss of confidence in both law and its enforcement and therefore in its observance. The failure of local government has a demoralizing effect in every direction.

„Which does not mean that it must deny the value of rich accretions drawn from the right kind of immigration. Any such restriction, except as a necessary and momentary expediency, would assuredly paralyze our national vitality.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: It would not be unjust to ask of every alien: What will you contribute to the common good, once you are admitted through the gates of liberty? Our history is full of answers of which we might be justly proud. But of late, the answers have not been so readily or so eloquently given. Our country must cease to be regarded as a dumping ground. Which does not mean that it must deny the value of rich accretions drawn from the right kind of immigration. Any such restriction, except as a necessary and momentary expediency, would assuredly paralyze our national vitality. But measured practically, it would be suicidal for us to let down the bars for the inflowing of cheap manhood, just as, commercially, it would be unsound for this country to allow her markets to be overflooded with cheap goods, the product of a cheap labor. There is no room either for the cheap man or the cheap goods.

„If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, that is final.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, that is final. No advance, no progress can be made beyond these propositions. If anyone wishes to deny their truth or their soundness, the only direction in which he can proceed historically is not forward, but backward toward the time when there was no equality, no rights of the individual, no rule of the people. Those who wish to proceed in that direction can not lay claim to progress. They are reactionary. Their ideas are not more modern, but more ancient, than those of the Revolutionary fathers.

„It is one of the anomalies of the human story that these peoples, who could not be assimilated and unified under the skies of Europe, should on coming to America discover an amazing genius for cooperation, for fusion, and for harmonious effort. Yet they were the same people when they came here that they had been on the other side of the Atlantic. Quite apparently, they found something in our institutions, something in the American system of Government and society which they themselves helped to construct, that furnished to all of them a political and cultural common denominator.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: It was the fate of Europe to be always a battleground. Differences in race, in religion, in political genius and social ideals, seemed always, in the atmosphere of our mother continent, to be invitations to contest by battle. From the dawn of history, and we can only conjecture how much longer, the conflicts of races and civilizations, of traditions and usages, have gone on. It is one of the anomalies of the human story that these peoples, who could not be assimilated and unified under the skies of Europe, should on coming to America discover an amazing genius for cooperation, for fusion, and for harmonious effort. Yet they were the same people when they came here that they had been on the other side of the Atlantic. Quite apparently, they found something in our institutions, something in the American system of Government and society which they themselves helped to construct, that furnished to all of them a political and cultural common denominator.

„Your race is entitled to great praise for the contribution it makes in doing the work of the world.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: We are not all permitted the privilege of a university training. We can not all enter the professions. What is the great need of American citizenship? To my mind it is this, that each should take up the burden where he is. 'Do the day's work', I have said, and it should be done in the remembrance that all work is dignified. Your race is entitled to great praise for the contribution it makes in doing the work of the world.

„We revere that day because it marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American citizens — the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond all others the power and worth and dignity of man.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: We revere that day because it marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American citizens — the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond all others the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern democracy.

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„Looking back only a few years, we appreciate how rapid has been the progress of the colored people on this continent. Emancipation brought them the opportunity of which they have availed themselves.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: Looking back only a few years, we appreciate how rapid has been the progress of the colored people on this continent. Emancipation brought them the opportunity of which they have availed themselves. It has been calculated that in the first year following the acceptance of their status as a free people, there were approximately 4,000,000 members of the race in this country, and that among these only 12,000 were the owners of their homes; only 20,000 among them conducted their own farms, and the aggregate wealth of these 4,000,000 people hardly exceeded $20,000,000. In a little over a half century since, the number of business enterprises operated by colored people had grown to near 50,000, while the wealth of the Negro community has grown to more than $1,100,000,000. And these figures convey a most inadequate suggestion of the material progress. The 2,000 business enterprises which were in the hands of colored people immediately following emancipation were almost without exception small and rudimentary. Among the 50,000 business operations now in the hands of colored people may be found every type of present-day affairs. There are more than 70 banks conducted by thoroughly competent colored business men. More than 80 percent of all American Negroes are now able to read and write. When they achieved their freedom not 10 percent were literate. There are nearly 2,000,000 Negro pupils in the public schools; well-nigh 40,000 Negro teachers are listed, more than 3,000 following their profession in normal schools and colleges. The list of educational institutions devoting themselves to the race includes 50 colleges, 13 colleges for women, 26 theological schools, a standard school of law, and 2 high-grade institutions of medicine. Through the work of these institutions the Negro race is equipping men and women from its own ranks to provide its leadership in business, the professions, in all relations of life.

„Well-nigh all the races, religions, and nationalities of the world were represented in the armed forces of this nation, as they were in the body of our population. No man's patriotism was impugned or service questioned because of his racial origin, his political opinion, or his religious convictions. Immigrants and sons of immigrants from the central European countries fought side by side with those who descended from the countries which were our allies; with the sons of equatorial Africa; and with the red men of our own aboriginal population, all of them equally proud of the name Americans.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: The war brought a great test of our experiment in amalgamating these varied factors into a real Nation, with the ideals and aspirations of a united people. None was excepted from the obligation to serve when the hour of danger struck. The event proved that our theory had been sound. On a solid foundation of a national unity there had been erected a superstructure which in its varied parts had offered full opportunity to develop all the range of talents and genius that had gone into its making. Well-nigh all the races, religions, and nationalities of the world were represented in the armed forces of this nation, as they were in the body of our population. No man's patriotism was impugned or service questioned because of his racial origin, his political opinion, or his religious convictions. Immigrants and sons of immigrants from the central European countries fought side by side with those who descended from the countries which were our allies; with the sons of equatorial Africa; and with the red men of our own aboriginal population, all of them equally proud of the name Americans.

„They came home with many decorations and their conduct repeatedly won high commendation from both American and European commanders.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: The propaganda of prejudice and hatred which sought to keep the colored men from supporting the national cause completely failed. The black man showed himself the same kind of citizen, moved by the same kind of patriotism, as the white man. They were tempted, but not one betrayed his country. Among well-nigh 400,000 colored men who were taken into the military service, about one-half had overseas experience. They came home with many decorations and their conduct repeatedly won high commendation from both American and European commanders.

„Yet Americans are not visionary, they are not sentimentalists. They want idealism, but they want it to be practical, they want it to produce results.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: Yet Americans are not visionary, they are not sentimentalists. They want idealism, but they want it to be practical, they want it to produce results. It would be little use to try to convince them of the soundness and righteousness of their institutions, if they could not see that they have been justified in the past history and the present condition of the people. They estimate the correctness of the principle by the success which they find in their own experience. They have faith but they want works.

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„Whether one traces his Americanisms back three centuries to the Mayflower, or three years to the steerage, is not half so important as whether his Americanism of today is real and genuine. No matter by what various crafts we came here, we are all now in the same boat“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: We must not, in times of peace, permit ourselves to lose any part from this structure of patriotic unity. I make no plea for leniency toward those who are criminal or vicious, are open enemies of society and are not prepared to accept the true standards of our citizenship. By tolerance I do not mean indifference to evil. I mean respect for different kinds of good. Whether one traces his Americanisms back three centuries to the Mayflower, or three years to the steerage, is not half so important as whether his Americanism of today is real and genuine. No matter by what various crafts we came here, we are all now in the same boat. You men constituted the crew of our 'Ship of State' during her passage through the roughest waters. You made up the watch and held the danger posts when the storm was fiercest. You brought her safely and triumphantly into port. Out of that experience you have learned the lessons of discipline, tolerance, respect for authority, and regard for the basic manhood of your neighbor. You bore aloft a standard of patriotic conduct and civic integrity, to which all could repair. Such a standard, with a like common appeal, must be upheld just as firmly and unitedly now in time of peace. Among citizens honestly devoted to the maintenance of that standard, there need be small concern about differences of individual opinion in other regards. Granting first the essentials of loyalty to our country and to our fundamental institutions, we may not only overlook, but we may encourage differences of opinion as to other things. For differences of this kind will certainly be elements of strength rather than of weakness. They will give variety to our tastes and interests. They will broaden our vision, strengthen our understanding, encourage the true humanities, and enrich our whole mode and conception of life. I recognize the full and complete necessity of 100 per cent Americanism, but 100 per cent Americanism may be made up of many various elements.

„America is a large country. It is a tolerant country. It has room within its borders for many races and many creeds.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: To continue to be independent we must continue to be whole-hearted American. We must direct our policies and lay our course with the sole consideration of serving our own people. We cannot become the partisans of one nation, or the opponents of another. Our domestic affairs should be entirely free from foreign interference, whether such attempt be made by those who are without or within our own territory. America is a large country. It is a tolerant country. It has room within its borders for many races and many creeds. But it has no room for those who would place the interests of some other nation above the interests of our own nation.

„There were those in the South who would have been willing to wage war for its continuation“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: We meet again upon this hallowed ground to commemorate those who played their part in a particular outbreak of an age-old conflict. Many men have many theories about the struggle that went on from 1861 to 1865. Some say it had for its purpose the abolition of slavery. President Lincoln did not so consider it. There were those in the South who would have been willing to wage war for its continuation, but I very much doubt if the South as a whole could have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. There were those in the North who would have been willing to wage war for its abolition, but the North as a whole could not have been persuaded to take up arms for that purpose. President Lincoln made it perfectly clear that his effort was to save the Union — with slavery if he could save it that way; without slavery if he could save it that way. But he would save the Union. The South stood for the principle of the sovereignty of the States. The North stood for the principle of the supremacy of the Union.

„We are, in some sense, an immigrant nation, molded in the fires of a common experience. That common experience is our history. And it is that common experience we must hand down to our children, even as the fundamental principles of Americanism, based on righteousness, were handed down to us, in perpetuity, by the founders of our government.“

—  Calvin Coolidge
Context: From its very beginning our country has been enriched by a complete blend of varied strains in the same ethnic family. We are, in some sense, an immigrant nation, molded in the fires of a common experience. That common experience is our history. And it is that common experience we must hand down to our children, even as the fundamental principles of Americanism, based on righteousness, were handed down to us, in perpetuity, by the founders of our government.

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