Frases de Calvin Coolidge
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John Calvin Coolidge Jr. fue el trigésimo presidente de los Estados Unidos . Era un abogado republicano de Vermont, que comenzó su carrera política en Massachusetts, estado del que fue gobernador. Su reacción a la huelga de la policía de Boston de 1919 le dio fama nacional y reputación de persona decidida. Poco después asumió el cargo de vicepresidente, en 1920; luego asumió la Presidencia del país al fallecer el presidente Warren G. Harding en 1923. Ganó las elecciones de 1924, se granjeó fama de conservador favorable a un Estado reducido y una mínima intervención gubernamental en la economía estadounidense. Se le recuerda como un hombre austero, frugal, discreto y extraordinariamente parco en palabras, pero que tenía un agudo sentido del humor. Es destacable el hecho de que, aunque careciera de carisma y locuacidad, no perdió una sola elección en toda su carrera política.

Coolidge nació en Plymouth, Vermont, en 1872. Era hijo de un político de Vermont; estudió derecho en el Amherst College de Massachusetts y empezó a ejercer como abogado en 1897, para lo cual se estableció en Northampton, Massachusetts. En 1898 fue elegido para un cargo en el municipio y empezó a intervenir activamente en política, uniéndose al Partido Republicano. En 1906 fue elegido para el Senado del estado de Massachusetts, donde amplió considerablemente su carrera política, y en el año 1918 ganó la elección para gobernador del estado.

Ganó fama nacional durante su periodo como gobernador cuando se enfrentó a una gran huelga de policías en Boston en septiembre de 1919, para lo cual llamó a la milicia local con el fin de que asumiera roles de seguridad urbana y evitar saqueo y violencia que ocurrieron en la ciudad durante las primeras 48 horas de la huelga policial. Su negativa a ceder a la presión de los huelguistas y su posterior rechazo a reincorporarlos a la policía tras el fracaso de la huelga, le otorgó popularidad entre los elementos más conservadores del Partido Republicano. Sus colegas de partido pronto le dieron la ocasión de postularse como vicepresidente de Estados Unidos, en las elecciones del año 1920 acompañando al candidato republicano, el senador por Ohio Warren G. Harding. Coolidge asumió el cargo de vicepresidente en marzo de 1921, dedicándose a actividades protocolarias propias de su cargo y forjándose al mismo tiempo la imagen pública de un «hombre de pocas palabras», enemigo de dar largos discursos y aficionado a hablar solo lo necesario e indispensable. En 1924, venció en las elecciones presidenciales a sus rivales, con holgada ventaja.

Coolidge recuperó al confianza pública en el Gobierno tras los escándalos del mandato de Harding, y acabó el suyo con notable satisfacción del electorado.[1]​[2]​ Uno de sus biógrafos escribió que: «encarnaba en el espíritu y las aspiraciones de la clase media, podía interpretar sus ansias y expresar sus opiniones. Que lograse representar la genialidad del hombre de la calle fue la prueba suprema de su fortaleza política».[3]​ Creyente en la libertad de empresa, rechazó utilizar el poder federal para mejorar la condición deprimida de la agricultores y de ciertas industrias. Uno de los principales problemas fueron los proyectos para otorgar subsidios agrarios en un intento de compensar la reducción de los precios de los productos agrícolas; Coolidge se negó a aprobar tales subsidios alegando que manipular precios resultaba un peligro para la economía nacional, y rechazó aún más tajantemente la propuesta de que el Gobierno federal comprara los excedentes agrícolas. Asimismo Coolidge mostró un sincero interés en promover el laissez-faire en la economía estadounidense, rechazando el intervencionismo estatal en todo lo posible, y reiterando que el crecimiento económico del país experimentado en los «felices años veinte» debía ser preservado mediante reducciones de impuestos, para con ello promover la industria y el comercio internacional; por entonces, los Estados Unidos se estaban convirtiendo en la primera potencia mundial. En política exterior, favoreció el aislacionismo y rehusó que los Estados Unidos ingresasen en la Sociedad de Naciones al considerarlo un gesto «inútil».

Tras cumplirse el periodo de su mandato en 1928, declinó presentarse de nuevo a la presidencia, pero tampoco ofreció su apoyo a Herbert Hoover, designado candidato del Partido Republicano para esa elección. Tras su presidencia, Coolidge se retiró a su propiedad rural de Northampton, Vermont, donde falleció el 5 de enero de 1933. Aunque su reputación repuntó durante la presidencia de Ronald Reagan, su valoración posterior es menos favorable. Ensalzado por los partidarios de un Estado reducido y por los liberales, los que prefieren un Gobierno más activo tienen peor visión de él; ambos, grupos, sin embargo, alaban su decidida defensa de la igualdad racial.[4]​[5]​ Wikipedia  

✵ 4. julio 1872 – 5. enero 1933
Calvin Coolidge Foto
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Calvin Coolidge: Frases en inglés

“One of the most natural of reactions during the war was intolerance. But the inevitable disregard for the opinions and feelings of minorities is none the less a disturbing product of war psychology. The slow and difficult advances which tolerance and liberalism have made through long periods of development are dissipated almost in a night when the necessary war-time habits of thought hold the minds of the people. The necessity for a common purpose and a united intellectual front becomes paramount to everything else. But when the need for such a solidarity is past there should be a quick and generous readiness to revert to the old and normal habits of thought. There should be an intellectual demobilization as well as a military demobilization. Progress depends very largely on the encouragement of variety. Whatever tends to standardize the community, to establish fixed and rigid modes of thought, tends to fossilize society. If we all believed the same thing and thought the same thoughts and applied the same valuations to all the occurrences about us, we should reach a state of equilibrium closely akin to an intellectual and spiritual paralysis. It is the ferment of ideas, the clash of disagreeing judgments, the privilege of the individual to develop his own thoughts and shape his own character, that makes progress possible. It is not possible to learn much from those who uniformly agree with us. But many useful things are learned from those who disagree with us; and even when we can gain nothing our differences are likely to do us no harm. In this period of after-war rigidity, suspicion, and intolerance our own country has not been exempt from unfortunate experiences. Thanks to our comparative isolation, we have known less of the international frictions and rivalries than some other countries less fortunately situated. But among some of the varying racial, religious, and social groups of our people there have been manifestations of an intolerance of opinion, a narrowness to outlook, a fixity of judgment, against which we may well be warned. It is not easy to conceive of anything that would be more unfortunate in a community based upon the ideals of which Americans boast than any considerable development of intolerance as regards religion. To a great extent this country owes its beginnings to the determination of our hardy ancestors to maintain complete freedom in religion. Instead of a state church we have decreed that every citizen shall be free to follow the dictates of his own conscience as to his religious beliefs and affiliations. Under that guaranty we have erected a system which certainly is justified by its fruits. Under no other could we have dared to invite the peoples of all countries and creeds to come here and unite with us in creating the State of which we are all citizens.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“We have been attempting to relieve ourselves and the other nations from the old theory of competitive armaments. In spite of all the arguments in favor of great military forces, no nation ever had an army large enough to guarantee it against attack in time of peace or to insure its victory in time of war. No nation ever will. Peace and security are more likely to result from fair and honorable dealings, and mutual agreements for a limitation of armaments among nations, than by any attempt at competition in squadrons and battalions. No doubt this country could, if it wished to spend more money, make a better military force, but that is only part of the problem which confronts our Government. The real question is whether spending more money to make a better military force would really make a better country. I would be the last to disparage the military art. It is an honorable and patriotic calling of the highest rank. But I can see no merit in any unnecessary expenditure of money to hire men to build fleets and carry muskets when international relations and agreements permit the turning of such resources into the making of good roads, the building of better homes, the promotion of education, and all the other arts of peace which minister to the advancement of human welfare. Happily, the position of our country is such among the other nations of the world that we have been and shall be warranted in proceeding in this direction.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“Anybody can reduce taxes, but it is not so easy to stand in the gap and resist the passage of increasing appropriation bills which would make tax reduction impossible. It will be very easy to measure the strength of the attachment to reduced taxation by the power with which increased appropriations are resisted. If at the close of the present session the Congress has kept within the budget which I propose to present, it will then be possible to have a moderate amount of tax reduction and all the tax reform that the Congress may wish for during the next fiscal year. The country is now feeling the direct stimulus which came from the passage of the last revenue bill, and under the assurance of a reasonable system of taxation there is every prospect of an era of prosperity of unprecedented proportions. But it would be idle to expect any such results unless business can continue free from excess profits taxation and be accorded a system of surtaxes at rates which have for their object not the punishment of success or the discouragement of business, but the production of the greatest amount of revenue from large incomes. I am convinced that the larger incomes of the country would actually yield more revenue to the Government if the basis of taxation were scientifically revised downward. Moreover the effect of the present method of this taxation is to increase the cost of interest. on productive enterprise and to increase the burden of rent. It is altogether likely that such reduction would so encourage and stimulate investment that it would firmly establish our country in the economic leadership of the world.”

1920s, Second State of the Union Address (1924)

“In dealing with our military problems there is one principle that is exceedingly important. Our institutions are founded not on military power but on civil authority. We are irrevocably committed to the theory of a government by the people. We have our constitutions and our laws, our executives, our legislatures, and our courts, but ultimately we are governed by public opinion. Our forefathers had seen so much of militarism, and suffered so much from it, that they desired to banish it forever. They believed and declared in at least one of their State constitutions that the military power should be subordinate to and governed by the civil authority. It is for this reason that any organization of men in the military service bent on inflaming the public mind for the purpose of forcing Government action through the pressure of public opinion is an exceedingly dangerous undertaking and precedent. This is so whatever form it might take, whether it be for the purpose of influencing the Executive, the legislature, or the heads of departments. It is for the civil authority to determine what appropriations shall be granted, what appointments shall be made, and what rules shall be adopted for the conduct of its armed forces. Whenever the military power starts dictating to the civil authority, by whatsoever means adopted, the liberties of the country are beginning to end. National defense should at all times be supported, but any form of militarism should be resisted.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.”

Telegram to AFL president Samuel Gompers (14 September 1919); concerning the 1919 Boston Police strike.
1910s, Telegram to Samuel Gompers (1919)

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