Frases de Dwight David Eisenhower

Dwight David «Ike» Eisenhower fue un militar y político que sirvió como el 34.º presidente de los Estados Unidos entre 1953 y 1961. General de cinco estrellas del Ejército de los Estados Unidos durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, fue comandante supremo aliado en el frente de la Europa occidental, responsable de la planificación y supervisión de la invasión del norte de África en la Operación Torch entre 1942 y 1943 y de la exitosa invasión de Francia y Alemania entre 1944 y 1945.[1]​ En 1951, se convirtió en el primer comandante supremo aliado en Europa de la OTAN.

Descendiente de inmigrantes alemanes asentados en Pensilvania, Eisenhower se crio en el estado de Kansas, fue el tercero de siete hermanos y sus padres eran fervientes cristianos, si bien Eisenhower no formó parte de ninguna iglesia hasta 1952. Se graduó en West Point en 1915 y más tarde se casó con Mamie Doud, con quien tuvo dos hijos. Tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Eisenhower fue jefe del Estado Mayor del Ejército durante la presidencia de Harry S. Truman y después ejerció como presidente de la Universidad de Columbia.[2]​ Eisenhower entró en la carrera presidencial de 1952 de la mano del Partido Republicano para contrarrestar las políticas de no intervención defendidas por el senador republicano Robert A. Taft e hizo campaña contra «el comunismo, Corea y la corrupción». Consiguió derrotar por amplio margen al candidato demócrata Adlai Stevenson y así puso fin a dos décadas de hegemonía demócrata y a la llamada «coalición del New Deal». Fue el primer presidente estadounidense en ver sus mandatos constitucionalmente limitados por la Vigesimosegunda Enmienda.

Los principales objetivos de Eisenhower durante su presidencia fueron mantener la presión sobre la Unión Soviética a través de la llamada doctrina Eisenhower y reducir el déficit federal. En el primer año de su presidencia, amenazó con usar armas nucleares en un esfuerzo por poner fin a la guerra de Corea; su nueva imagen política priorizó la construcción en masa de armas nucleares baratas para la disuasión nuclear, mientras reducía los fondos para las fuerzas militares convencionales. Ordenó los golpes de Estado en Irán y Guatemala y negó ayuda material de importancia a Francia en Indochina, aunque sí aportó ayuda financiera y daría un fuerte apoyo económico a la recién creada Vietnam del Sur. El Congreso apoyó su solicitud de 1955 para la resolución de Formosa, lo que obligó a Estados Unidos a apoyar militarmente al gobierno prooccidental de la República de China en Taiwán y mantener el aislamiento de la República Popular China, que dominaba el territorio continental.

Después de que la Unión Soviética pusiera en órbita el primer satélite artificial de la historia en 1957, Eisenhower autorizó la creación de la NASA y con ella el inicio de la carrera espacial. Durante la crisis de Suez de 1956, Eisenhower condenó la invasión israelí, británica y francesa de Egipto, y los obligó a retirarse. A su vez condenó la invasión soviética durante la Revolución húngara de 1956, pero no tomó ningún otro tipo de acción. Envió 15 000 soldados a Líbano en 1958 para evitar el derrocamiento del gobierno prooccidental a manos de una revolución inspirada en los principios del gobierno del presidente egipcio Nasser. Hacia el final de su mandato, sus esfuerzos por celebrar una reunión con los soviéticos se vinieron abajo tras el incidente del U-2.[3]​ En su discurso de despedida a la nación del 17 de enero de 1961, Eisenhower avisó sobre los peligros del enorme gasto militar del país y en particular sobre el déficit que este generaba y los contratos que el gobierno tenía con los fabricantes privados de armamento, y acuñó el término «complejo industrial-militar».[4]​

En Estados Unidos, durante las dos legislaturas de Eisenhower se vivió una considerable prosperidad económica, a excepción de la fuerte recesión de entre 1958 y 1959. Opuesto, aunque no públicamente, a Joseph McCarthy, contribuyó a poner fin al macartismo con un amplio uso de su llamado «privilegio ejecutivo». Conservador moderado, mantuvo los organismos del New Deal y amplió la Seguridad Social. Puso en marcha el Sistema Interestatal de Autopistas, las agencias DARPA y NASA, estableció una sólida educación científica a través de la National Defense Education Act y alentó el uso pacífico de la energía nuclear gracias a la Atomic Energy Act;[5]​ sin embargo, Eisenhower a menudo dejaba la mayor parte de la actividad política a nivel nacional en manos de su vicepresidente, Richard Nixon.

Aclamado por las encuestas de Gallup como el «hombre más admirado» en doce ocasiones, logró una estima popular generalizada, tanto durante como después de su presidencia.[6]​ Desde finales del siglo XX, existe consenso entre los estudiosos occidentales para situar a Dwight Eisenhower como uno de los presidentes de Estados Unidos mejor valorados. Wikipedia  

✵ 14. octubre 1890 – 28. marzo 1969   •   Otros nombres Дуайт Эйзенхауэр
Dwight David Eisenhower Foto
Dwight David Eisenhower: 180   frases 1   Me gusta

Frases célebres de Dwight David Eisenhower

“El pesimismo jamás ganó una batalla.”

Sin fuentes

“No hay ateos en las trincheras.”

Sin fuentes

“Sí, puede ser el 20% del total, pero a su país, familia y seres queridos yo les entregaré el 100% de la persona.”

Sin fuentes
Frase pronunciada luego de haber reducido la tasa de mortalidad de Nomandía, esperada en un 70% a un 20%.

“La Biblia cuenta con el respaldo de los siglos. Nuestra civilización está edificada sobre sus palabras.”

Fuente: El libro que dio forma al mundo. Mangalwadi, Vishal. Página 405. Grupo Nelson. 2011.

Dwight David Eisenhower: Frases en inglés

“Leadership is the art of getting someone else to do something you want done because he wants to do it.”

As quoted in The Federal Career Service: A Look Ahead (1954)
1950s
Variante: Now I think, speaking roughly, by leadership we mean the art of getting someone else to do something that you want done because he wants to do it.

“What counts is not necessarily the size of the dog in the fight — it's the size of the fight in the dog.”

Remarks at Republican National Committee Breakfast (31 January 1958) http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=11229; Eisenhower hear delivers his particular variation of a pre-existing proverb, which has since become widely dispersed as simply "It's not the size of the dog in the fight; it's the size of the fight in the dog." In that form it has become widely attributed to Mark Twain on the internet, as early as 1998, but no contemporary evidence of Twain ever using it has been located. The earliest known variants of it occur in 1911, one in a collection of sayings "Stub Ends of Thoughts" by Arthur G. Lewis, in Book of the Royal Blue Vol. 14, No. 7 (April 1911): "It is not the size of the dog in the fight that counts, but the fight in the dog that matters", as cited in The Dictionary of Modern Proverbs, edited by Charles Clay Doyle, Wolfgang Mieder, and Fred R. Shapiro, p. 232, and the other as "It is not the size of the dog in the fight that counts, but the fight in the dog that wins" in the evening edition of the East Oregonian (20 April 1911) http://listserv.linguistlist.org/pipermail/ads-l/2015-October/139250.html
1950s

“I believe the only way to protect my own rights is to protect the rights of others.”

1950s, Remarks at the United Negro College Fund luncheon (1953)

“Steady, Monty. You can't speak to me like that. I'm your boss.”

Response to violent criticism by Bernard Montgomery, 1st Viscount Montgomery of Alamein about Eisenhower's broad front tactics before Operation Market Garden, as quoted in Arnhem — A Tragedy of Errors (1994) by Peter Harclerode, p. 27 and BBC documentary D-Day to Berlin, on Eisenhower's aircraft at Brussels airport on 10 September 1944.
1940s

“Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children.”

1950s, The Chance for Peace (1953)
Contexto: Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: a modern brick school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some fifty miles of concrete pavement. We pay for a single fighter plane with a half million bushels of wheat. We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed more than 8,000 people. This is, I repeat, the best way of life to be found on the road the world has been taking. This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity hanging from a cross of iron. … Is there no other way the world may live?

“We look upon this shaken Earth, and we declare our firm and fixed purpose — the building of a peace with justice in a world where moral law prevails. The building of such a peace is a bold and solemn purpose. To proclaim it is easy. To serve it will be hard.”

1950s, Second Inaugural Address (1957)
Contexto: We look upon this shaken Earth, and we declare our firm and fixed purpose — the building of a peace with justice in a world where moral law prevails. The building of such a peace is a bold and solemn purpose. To proclaim it is easy. To serve it will be hard. And to attain it, we must be aware of its full meaning — and ready to pay its full price. We know clearly what we seek, and why. We seek peace, knowing that peace is the climate of freedom. And now, as in no other age, we seek it because we have been warned, by the power of modern weapons, that peace may be the only climate possible for human life itself. Yet this peace we seek cannot be born of fear alone: it must be rooted in the lives of nations. There must be justice, sensed and shared by all peoples, for, without justice the world can know only a tense and unstable truce. There must be law, steadily invoked and respected by all nations, for without law, the world promises only such meager justice as the pity of the strong upon the weak. But the law of which we speak, comprehending the values of freedom, affirms the equality of all nations, great and small. Splendid as can be the blessings of such a peace, high will be its cost: in toil patiently sustained, in help honorably given, in sacrifice calmly borne.

“It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreement, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom, and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life. So my country's purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men every where, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well being.”

1950s, Atoms for Peace (1953)
Contexto: Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the "Great Destroyers" but the whole book of history reveals mankind's never-ending quest for peace, and mankind's God-given capacity to build. It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreement, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom, and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life. So my country's purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men every where, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well being.

“Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.”

1950s, First Inaugural Address (1953)
Contexto: We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose. We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both. These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. They are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.

“That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.”

1960s, Farewell address (1961)
Contexto: During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.

“Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force!
You are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you.”

Order of the Day (2 June 1944), a message to troops before the Normandy landings http://www.3ad.com/history/wwll/feature.pages/d.day.letters.htm, reported in Franklin Watts, Voices of History (1945), p. 260
1940s
Contexto: Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force!
You are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave Allies and brothers-in-arms on other Fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.
Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped and battle hardened. He will fight savagely.
But this is the year 1944! Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41. The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats, in open battle, man-to-man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our Home Fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war, and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned! The free men of the world are marching together to Victory!
I have full confidence in your courage and devotion to duty and skill in battle.
We will accept nothing less than full Victory! Good luck! And let us beseech the blessing of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.

“We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid.”

1950s, First Inaugural Address (1953)
Contexto: We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose. We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both. These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. They are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.

“The United States strongly seeks a lasting agreement for the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests.”

Letter to Nikita Khrushchev http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=11709 (13 April 1959, published 20 April 1959)
1950s
Contexto: The United States strongly seeks a lasting agreement for the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests. We believe that this would be an important step toward reduction of international tensions and would open the way to further agreement on substantial measures of disarmament.

“One circumstance that helped our character development: we were needed.”

At Ease: Stories I Tell to Friends (1967); also quoted in Childhood Revisited (1974) by Joel I. Milgram and Dorothy June Sciarra, p. 90
1960s
Contexto: One circumstance that helped our character development: we were needed. I often think today of what an impact could be made if children believed they were contributing to a family's essential survival and happiness. In the transformation from a rural to an urban society, children are — though they might not agree — robbed of the opportunity to do genuinely responsible work.

“God created man to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the earth and of their own toil.”

1950s, The Chance for Peace (1953)
Contexto: These proposals spring, without ulterior motive or political passion, from our calm conviction that the hunger for peace is in the hearts of all people -- those of Russia and of China no less than of our own country. They conform to our firm faith that God created man to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the earth and of their own toil.

“America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.”

1960s, Farewell address (1961)
Contexto: We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

“If any blame or fault attaches to the attempt, it is mine alone.”

Notes for an announcement, written in advance of the Normandy invasion, in case of its failure, but never delivered (June 1944) http://doinghistoryproject.tripod.com/id17.html; reported in John Gunther, Eisenhower: The Man and the Symbol (1952), p. 41
1940s
Contexto: Our landings in the Cherbourg-Havre area have failed to gain a satisfactory foothold and I have withdrawn the troops. My decision to attack at this time and place was based on the best information available. The troops, the air and the Navy did all that bravery and devotion to duty could do. If any blame or fault attaches to the attempt, it is mine alone.

“A preventive war, to my mind, is an impossibility today.”

News Conference of (11 August 1954) http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/print.php?pid=9977
Variant: When people speak to you about a preventive war, you tell them to go and fight it. After my experience, I have come to hate war. War settles nothing.
Quoted in Quote magazine (4 April 1965) and The Quotable Dwight D. Eisenhower (1967) edited by Elsie Gollagher, p. 219<!-- seldom found variants: All of us have heard this term 'preventative war' since the earliest days of Hitler. I recall that is about the first time I heard it. In this day and time... I don't believe there is such a thing; and, frankly, I wouldn't even listen to anyone seriously that came in and talked about such a thing.
A preventative war, to my mind, is an impossibility. I don't believe there is such a thing, and frankly I wouldn't even listen to anyone seriously that came in and talked about such a thing.-->
1950s
Contexto: All of us have heard this term "preventive war" since the earliest days of Hitler. I recall that is about the first time I heard it. In this day and time, if we believe for one second that nuclear fission and fusion, that type of weapon, would be used in such a war — what is a preventive war?
I would say a preventive war, if the words mean anything, is to wage some sort of quick police action in order that you might avoid a terrific cataclysm of destruction later.
A preventive war, to my mind, is an impossibility today. How could you have one if one of its features would be several cities lying in ruins, several cities where many, many thousands of people would be dead and injured and mangled, the transportation systems destroyed, sanitation implements and systems all gone? That isn't preventive war; that is war.
I don't believe there is such a thing; and, frankly, I wouldn't even listen to anyone seriously that came in and talked about such a thing.
… It seems to me that when, by definition, a term is just ridiculous in itself, there is no use in going any further.
There are all sorts of reasons, moral and political and everything else, against this theory, but it is so completely unthinkable in today's conditions that I thought it is no use to go any further.

“Your task will not be an easy one.”

Order of the Day (2 June 1944), a message to troops before the Normandy landings http://www.3ad.com/history/wwll/feature.pages/d.day.letters.htm, reported in Franklin Watts, Voices of History (1945), p. 260
1940s
Contexto: Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force!
You are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave Allies and brothers-in-arms on other Fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.
Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped and battle hardened. He will fight savagely.
But this is the year 1944! Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41. The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats, in open battle, man-to-man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our Home Fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war, and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned! The free men of the world are marching together to Victory!
I have full confidence in your courage and devotion to duty and skill in battle.
We will accept nothing less than full Victory! Good luck! And let us beseech the blessing of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.

“Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history.”

Letter to Edgar Newton Eisenhower http://web.archive.org/web/20100216204935/http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/1147.cfm, his brother (8 November 1954) More information at Snopes.com http://www.snopes.com/politics/quotes/ike.asp
1950s
Contexto: Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Among them are H. L. Hunt (you possibly know his background), a few other Texas oil millionaires, and an occasional politician or business man from other areas. Their number is negligible and they are stupid.

“Censorship, in my opinion, is a stupid and shallow way of approaching the solution to any problem.”

Associated Press luncheon http://www.eisenhower.archives.gov/all_about_ike/quotes.html#censorship (24 April 1950), New York City, New York
1950s
Contexto: Censorship, in my opinion, is a stupid and shallow way of approaching the solution to any problem. Though sometimes necessary, as witness a professional and technical secret that may have a bearing upon the welfare and very safety of this country, we should be very careful in the way we apply it, because in censorship always lurks the very great danger of working to the disadvantage of the American nation.

“The tide has turned! The free men of the world are marching together to Victory!”

Order of the Day (2 June 1944), a message to troops before the Normandy landings http://www.3ad.com/history/wwll/feature.pages/d.day.letters.htm, reported in Franklin Watts, Voices of History (1945), p. 260
1940s
Contexto: Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force!
You are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave Allies and brothers-in-arms on other Fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.
Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped and battle hardened. He will fight savagely.
But this is the year 1944! Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41. The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats, in open battle, man-to-man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our Home Fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war, and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned! The free men of the world are marching together to Victory!
I have full confidence in your courage and devotion to duty and skill in battle.
We will accept nothing less than full Victory! Good luck! And let us beseech the blessing of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.

“Kinship among nations is not determined in such measurements as proximity of size and age.”

http://books.google.com/books?id=Dp94AAAAMAAJ&q=&quot;Kinship+among+nations+is+not+determined+in+such+measurements+as+proximity+size+and+age&quot;Speech at Guildhall, London (12 June 1945) <!-- accessdate = 2012-06-07 -->
1940s
Contexto: Kinship among nations is not determined in such measurements as proximity of size and age. Rather we should turn to those inner things — call them what you will — I mean those intangibles that are the real treasures free men possess. To preserve his freedom of worship, his equality before law, his liberty to speak and act as he sees fit, subject only to provisions that he trespass not upon similar rights of others — a Londoner will fight. So will a citizen of Abilene. When we consider these things, then the valley of the Thames draws closer to the farms of Kansas and the plains of Texas.

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