Frases de Hannah Arendt
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Hannah Arendt, nacida Johanna Arendt fue una filósofa y teórica política[1]​ alemana, posteriormente nacionalizada estadounidense, de origen judío y una de las personalidades más influyentes del siglo XX.[2]​

La privación de derechos y persecución en Alemania de judíos a partir de 1933, así como su breve encarcelamiento ese mismo año, contribuyeron a que decidiera emigrar. El régimen nacionalsocialista le retiró la nacionalidad en 1937, por lo que fue apátrida, hasta que consiguió la nacionalidad estadounidense en 1951.

Trabajó, entre otras cosas, como periodista y maestra de escuela superior. Publicó obras importantes sobre filosofía política, pero rechazaba ser clasificada como «filósofa» y también se distanciaba del término «filosofía política»: prefería que sus publicaciones fueran clasificadas dentro de la «teoría política». Arendt defendía un concepto de «pluralismo» en el ámbito político: gracias al pluralismo, se generaría el potencial de una libertad e igualdad políticas entre las personas. Importante es la perspectiva de la inclusión del otro: en acuerdos políticos, convenios y leyes deben trabajar a niveles prácticos personas adecuadas y dispuestas. Como fruto de estos pensamientos, Arendt se situaba de forma crítica frente a la democracia representativa y prefería un sistema de consejos o formas de democracia directa.

A menudo, continúa siendo estudiada como filósofa, en gran parte debido a sus discusiones críticas de filósofos como Sócrates, Platón, Aristóteles, Immanuel Kant, Martin Heidegger y Karl Jaspers, además de representantes importantes de la filosofía política moderna como Maquiavelo y Montesquieu. Precisamente gracias a su pensamiento independiente, a su teoría del totalitarismo , a sus trabajos sobre filosofía existencial y a su reivindicación de la discusión política libre tiene Arendt un papel central en los debates contemporáneos.

Como fuentes de sus disquisiciones, además de documentos filosóficos, políticos e históricos, Arendt emplea biografías y obras literarias. Estos textos son interpretados de forma literal y confrontados con el pensamiento de Arendt. Su sistema de análisis —parcialmente influido por Heidegger— la convierte en una pensadora original situada entre diferentes campos de conocimiento y especialidades universitarias. Su devenir personal y el de su pensamiento muestran un importante grado de coincidencia. Wikipedia  

✵ 14. octubre 1906 – 4. diciembre 1975   •   Otros nombres Hannah Arendtová
Hannah Arendt Foto
Hannah Arendt: 97   frases 58   Me gusta

Frases célebres de Hannah Arendt

“No puedes pretender que quien te ama te trate a ti menos cruelmente de lo que se trata a sí mismo. La igualdad en el amor tiene siempre algo de horrible.”

Between Friends: The Correspondence of Hannah Arendt and Mary McCarthy, 1949-1975

“Nunca en mi vida he 'amado' a ningún pueblo ni colectivo, ni al pueblo alemán, ni al francés, ni al norteamericano, ni a la clase obrera, ni a nada semejante. En efecto, sólo 'amo' a mis amigos y el único género de amor que conozco y en el que creo es el amor a las personas.”

Traducción: Miguel Candel.
Con referencia bibliográfica
Fuente: "Eichmann en Jerusalén" (24 de julio de 1963, carta a Gershom Scholem), en Una revisión de la historia judía y otros ensayos. Barcelona, Paidós, 2005, página 145.

Esta traducción está esperando su revisión. ¿Es correcto?

Frases de hombres de Hannah Arendt

“Los hombres, aunque han de morir, no nacieron para morir, sino para innovar”

Con referencia bibliográfica

Hannah Arendt: Frases en inglés

“The point, as Marx saw it, is that dreams never come true.”

Hannah Arendt libro On Violence

"On Violence".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“For politics is not like the nursery; in politics obedience and support are the same.”

Fuente: Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil

“Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.”

Hannah Arendt libro On Revolution

On Revolution (1963), ch. 2.
General sources
Contexto: What makes it so plausible to assume that hypocrisy is the vice of vices is that integrity can indeed exist under the cover of all other vices except this one. Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.

“Revolutionaries do not make revolutions! The revolutionaries are those who know when power is lying in the street and when they can pick it up. Armed uprising by itself has never yet led to revolution.”

" Thoughts on Politics and Revolution: A Commentary http://books.google.com/books?id=iMIPAQAAMAAJ&q="Revolutionaries+do+not+make+revolutions+The+revolutionaries+are+those+who+know+when+power+is+lying+in+the+street+and+when+they+can+pick+it+up+Armed"".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“Eichmann, much less intelligent and without any education to speak of, at least dimly realized that it was not an order but a law which had turned them all into criminals. The distinction between an order and the Führer's word was that the latter's validity was not limited in time and space, which is the outstanding characteristic of the former. This is also the true reason why the Führer's order for the Final Solution was followed by a huge shower of regulations and directives, all drafted by expert lawyers and legal advisors, not by mere administrators; this order, in contrast to ordinary orders, was treated as a law. Needless to add, the resulting legal paraphernalia, far from being a mere symptom of German pedantry and thoroughness, served most effectively to give the whole business its outward appearance of legality.And just as the law in civilized countries assumes that the voice of conscience tells everybody, "Thou shalt not kill," even though man's natural desires and inclinations may at times be murderous, so the law of Hitler's land demanded that the voice of conscience tell everybody: "Thou shalt kill," although the organizers of the massacres knew full well that murder is against the normal desires and inclinations of most people. Evil in the Third Reich had lost the quality by which most people recognize it — the quality of temptation.”

Hannah Arendt libro Eichmann in Jerusalem

Fuente: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VIII.

“The emotions I feel are no more meant to be shown in their unadulterated state than the inner organs by which we live.”

Hannah Arendt libro The Life of the Mind

Fuente: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), pp. 31-32.

“Political questions are far too serious to be left to the politicians.”

Hannah Arendt libro Men in Dark Times

Men in Dark Times (1968).

“What stuck in the minds of these men who had become murderers was simply the notion of being involved in something historic, grandiose, unique ("a great task that occurs once in two thousand years"), which must therefore be difficult to bear. This was important, because the murderers were not sadists or killers by nature; on the contrary, a systematic effort was made to weed out all those who derived physical pleasure from what they did. The troops of the Einsatzgruppen had been drafted from the Armed S. S., a military unit with hardly more crimes in its record than any ordinary unit of the German Army, and their commanders had been chosen by Heydrich from the S. S. élite with academic degrees. Hence the problem was how to overcome not so much their conscience as the animal pity by which all normal men are affected in the presence of physical suffering. The trick used by Himmler — who apparently was rather strongly afflicted by these instinctive reactions himself — was very simple and probably very effective; it consisted in turning these instincts around, as it were, in directing them toward the self. So that instead of saying: What horrible things I did to people!, the murderers would be able to say: What horrible things I had to watch in the pursuance of my duties, how heavily the task weighed upon my shoulders!”

Hannah Arendt libro Eichmann in Jerusalem

Fuente: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VI.

“Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.”

Hannah Arendt libro The Origins of Totalitarianism

Part 3, Ch. 2 The Totalitarian Movement, page 80 https://books.google.de/books?id=I0pVKCVM4TQC&pg=PT104&dq=A+mixture+of+gullibility+and+cynicism+had+been+an+outstanding+characteristic+of+mob+mentality+before+it+became+an+everyday+phenomenon+of+masses.&hl=de&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=A%20mixture%20of%20gullibility%20and%20cynicism%20had%20been%20an%20outstanding%20characteristic%20of%20mob%20mentality%20before%20it%20became%20an%20everyday%20phenomenon%20of%20masses.&f=false
The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951)
Contexto: A mixture of gullibility and cynicism had been an outstanding characteristic of mob mentality before it became an everyday phenomenon of masses. In an ever-changing, incomprehensible, world the masses had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything is possible and that nothing was true. The mixture in itself was remarkable enough, because it spelled the end of the illusion that gullibility was a weakness of unsuspecting primitive souls and cynism the vice of superior and refined minds. Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.

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