Frases de Michail Bakunin
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Para el personaje de ficción de la serie Lost, véase Mikhail Bakunin .Mijaíl Aleksándrovich Bakunin fue un anarquista ruso. Es posiblemente el más conocido de la primera generación de filósofos anarquistas y está considerado uno de los padres de este pensamiento, dentro del cual defendió la tesis colectivista y el ateísmo. Inicialmente fue partidario del paneslavismo y naródnichestvo . Wikipedia  

✵ 18. mayo 1814 – 19. junio 1876   •   Otros nombres Michail Alexandrowitsch Bakunin, Mijaíl Bakunin, Michail Aleksandrovič Bakunin, Michail Alexandrovič Bakunin, Mijaíl Alexándróvich Bakunin
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Michail Bakunin: 107   frases 18   Me gusta

Frases célebres de Michail Bakunin

“Donde comienza el Estado termina la libertad del individuo, y viceversa.”

Fuente: Una historia del anarquismo en Colombia: crónicas de utopía. Volumen 19 de Madre tierra. Autor Colectivo "Alas de Xue.". Edición ilustrada. Editorial Nossa y Jara Editores, 2000. ISBN 9788495258038. p. 41.

“No soy verdaderamente libre más que cuando todos lo seres humanos que me rodean, hombres y mujeres, son igualmente libres. La libertad de otro, lejos de ser un límite o la negación de mi libertad, es al contrario su condición necesaria y su confirmación.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 29. https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=No%20soy%20verdaderamente%20libre%20m%C3%A1s%20que%20cuando%20todos%20lo%20seres%20humanos%20que%20me%20rodean%2C%20hombres%20y%20mujeres%2C%20son%20igualmente%20libres.&f=false

“Amantes y envidiosos de la libertad humana, y considerándola como la condición absoluta de todo lo que adoramos y respetamos en la humanidad, doy vuelta la frase de Voltaire y digo: si dios existiese realmente, habría que hacerlo desaparecer.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 124. https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Amantes%20y%20envidiosos%20de%20la%20libertad%20humana%2C%20y%20consider%C3%A1ndola%20como%20la%20condici%C3%B3n%20absoluta%20de%20todo%20lo%20que%20adoramos%20&f=false

Frases sobre la libertad de Michail Bakunin

“Libertad política sin igualdad económica es una pretensión, un fraude, una mentira; y los trabajadores no quieren mentiras.”

Fuente: Franco Crespo, Antonio A. 100 Masones. Su palabra. Editor Antonio Franco Crespo, 2009. ISBN 9789871303946. p. 177.

“La libertad ajena amplía mi libertad al infinito.”

Fuente: Palomo Triguero, Eduardo. Cita-logía. Editorial Punto Rojo Libros,S.L. ISBN 978-84-16068-10-4. p. 182.

“Que la libertad sin el socialismo es el privilegio, la injusticia; y que el socialismo sin la libertad es la esclavitud y la brutalidad.”

Citas de sus libros, Federalismo, socialismo y antiteologismo
Fuente: El federalismo. https://books.google.es/books?id=hWlNDAAAQBAJ&pg=PT32&dq=Libertad+sin+socialismo+es+privilegio+e+injusticia;+Socialismo+sin+libertad+es+esclavitud+y+brutalidad&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwje26HrvI7gAhXgAGMBHSr4CMIQ6AEIMzAC#v=onepage&q=Libertad%20sin%20socialismo%20es%20privilegio%20e%20injusticia%3B%20Socialismo%20sin%20libertad%20es%20esclavitud%20y%20brutalidad&f=false

“¿Se desprende de esto que rechazo toda autoridad? Lejos de mí ese pensamiento. Cuando se trata de zapatos, prefiero la autoridad del zapatero; si se trata de una casa, de un canal o de un ferrocarril, consulto la del arquitecto o del ingeniero. Para esta o la otra, ciencia especial me dirijo a tal o cual sabio. Pero no dejo que se impongan a mí ni el zapatero, ni el arquitecto ni el sabio. Les escucho libremente y con todo el respeto que merecen su inteligencia, su carácter, su saber, pero me reservo mi derecho incontestable de crítica y de control. No me contento con consultar una sola autoridad especialista, consulto varias; comparo sus opiniones, y elijo la que me parece más justa. Pero no reconozco autoridad infalible, ni aún en cuestiones especiales; por consiguiente, no obstante el respeto que pueda tener hacia la honestidad y la sinceridad de tal o cual individuo, no tengo fe absoluta en nadie. Una fe semejante sería fatal a mi razón, la libertad y al éxito mismo de mis empresas; me transformaría inmediatamente en un esclavo estúpido y en un instrumento de la voluntad y de los intereses ajenos.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Páginas 129-130. https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=snippet&q=%C2%BFSe%20desprende%20de%20esto%20que%20rechazo%20toda%20autoridad%3F%20Lejos%20de%20m%C3%AD%20ese%20pensamiento.&f=false

“Soy un amante fanático de la libertad, considero que es la única condición bajo la cual la inteligencia, la dignidad y la felicidad humana pueden desarrollarse y crecer; no la libertad puramente formal concedida, delimitada y regulada por el Estado, un eterno engaño que en realidad no representa otra cosa que el privilegio de algunos fundado en la esclavitud del resto; no la libertad individualista, egoísta, mezquina y ficticia ensalzada por la Escuela de J. J. Rousseau y otras escuelas del liberalismo burgués, que entiende que el Estado, limitando los derechos de cada uno, representa la condición de posibilidad de los derechos de todos, una idea que por necesidad conduce a la reducción de los derechos de cada uno a cero. No, yo me refiero a la única clase de libertad que merece tal nombre, la libertad que consiste en el completo desarrollo de todas las capacidades materiales, intelectuales y morales que permanecen latentes en cada persona; libertad que no conoce más restricciones que aquellas que vienen determinadas por las leyes de nuestra propia naturaleza individual, y que no pueden ser consideradas propiamente restricciones, puesto que no se trata de leyes impuestas por un legislador externo, ya se halle a la par o por encima de nosotros, sino que son inmanentes e inherentes a nosotros mismos, constituyendo la propia base de nuestro ser material, intelectual y moral: no nos limitan sino que son las condiciones reales e inmediatas de nuestra libertad.”

Fuente: Martínez Pintor, Francisco. Ética elemental del ser libre. Editorial Lulu.com. ISBN 9781291389524. p. 12.

“Toda autoridad temporal proviene directamente de la autoridad divina o espiritual. Pero la autoridad es la negación de la libertad. Dios, o más bien la ficción de Dios, es la consacración de todas las autoridades que existen sobre la Tierra, y éstas no serán eliminadas hasta que se haya extingido la creencia en un amo celeste. […] Si Dios existe, el hombre es esclavo; ahora bien, el hombre puede y debe ser libre, por lo tanto Dios no existe.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 31. https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Toda%20autoridad%20temporal%20proviene%20directamente%20de%20la%20autoridad%20divina%20o%20espiritual.%20Pero%20la%20autoridad%20es%20la%20negaci%C3%B3n%20de%20la%20libertad.&f=false

Frases de hombres de Michail Bakunin

“Todo estado, como toda teología, supone al hombre esencialmente perverso y malvado.”

Fuente: Burguesía y estado liberal. Autores Enrique Bernales B., Laura Madalengoitia U., Marcial Rubio Correa. Editorial DESCO, Centro de Estudios y Promoción del Desarrollo, 1979. p. 173.

“La educación de los militares, desde el soldado raso hasta las más altas jerarquías, les convierte necesariamente en enemigos de la sociedad civil y el pueblo. Incluso su uniforme, con todos esos adornos ridículos que distinguen los regimientos y los grados, todas esas tonterías infantiles que ocupan buena parte de su existencia y les haría parecer payasos si no estuvieran siempre amenazantes, todo ello les separa de la sociedad. Ese atavío y sus mil ceremonias pueriles, entre las que transcurre la vida sin más objetivo que entrenarse para la matanza y la destrucción, serían humillantes para hombres que no hubieran perdido el sentimiento de la dignidad humana. Morirían de vergüenza si no hubieran llegado, mediante una sistemática perversión de ideas, a hacerlo fuente de vanidad. La obediencia pasiva es su mayor virtud. Sometidos a una disciplina despótica, acaban sintiendo horror de cualquiera que se mueva libremente. Quieren imponer a la fuerza la disciplina brutal, el orden estúpido del que ellos mismos son víctimas.
No se puede amar el servicio militar sin detestar el pueblo.”

Fuente: Reproducido en De amor y de sombra. Isabel Allende. Editorial Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España, 2014. ISBN 9788401342615. https://books.google.es/books?id=6oxIAgAAQBAJ&pg=PT193&dq=destrucci%C3%B3n,+ser%C3%ADan+humillantes+para+hombres+que+no+hubieran+perdido+el+sentimiento+de+la+dignidad+humana.+Morir%C3%ADan+de+verg%C3%BCenza+si+no+hubieran+llegado,+mediante+una+sistem%C3%A1tica+perversi%C3%B3n+de+ideas,+a+hacerlo+fuente+de+vanidad.+La+obediencia+pasiva+es+su+mayor+virtud&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjd5v-ztY7gAhW1AGMBHWBTAw4Q6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=destrucci%C3%B3n%2C%20ser%C3%ADan%20humillantes%20para%20hombres%20que%20no%20hubieran%20perdido%20el%20sentimiento%20de%20la%20dignidad%20humana.%20Morir%C3%ADan%20de%20verg%C3%BCenza%20si%20no%20hubieran%20llegado%2C%20mediante%20una%20sistem%C3%A1tica%20perversi%C3%B3n%20de%20ideas%2C%20a%20hacerlo%20fuente%20de%20vanidad.%20La%20obediencia%20pasiva%20es%20su%20mayor%20virtud&f=false

“Pero aún rechazando la autoridad absoluta, universal e infalible de los hombres de ciencia, nos inclinamos voluntariamente ante la autoridad respetable, pero relativa, muy pasajera, muy restringida, de los representantes de las ciencias especiales, no exigiendo nada mejor que consultarlos en cada caso, y muy reconocidos por las indicaciones preciosas que quieran darnos, a condición de que ellos quieran recibirlas de nosotros sobre cosas y en ocasiones en que somos más sabios que ellos; y en general, no pedimos nada mejor que ver a los hombres dotados de un gran saber, de una gran experiencia, de un gran espíritu y de un gran corazón sobre todo, ejercer sobre nosotros una influencia natural y legítima, libremente aceptada, y nunca impuesta en nombre de alguna autoridad oficial cualquiera que sea, terrestre o celeste. Aceptamos todas las autoridades naturales, y todas las influencias de hecho, ninguna de derecho, y como tal oficialmente impuesta, al convertirse pronto en una opresión y en una mentira, nos impondría infaliblemente, como creo haberlo demostrado suficientemente, la esclavitud y el absurdo. En una palabra, rechazamos toda legislación, toda autoridad y toda influencia privilegiadas, patentadas, oficiales y legales, aunque salgan del sufragio universal, convencidos de que no podrán actuar sino en provecho de una minoría dominante y explotadora, contra los intereses de la inmensa mayoría sometida. He aquí en qué sentido somos realmente anarquistas.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Sobre la ciencia. https://books.google.es/books?id=lZuxDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT22&dq=Pero+a%C3%BAn+rechazando+la+autoridad+absoluta,+universal+e+infalible+de+los+hombres+de+ciencia,+nos+inclinamos+voluntariamente+ante+la+autoridad+respetable,+pero+relativa,+muy+pasajera,+muy+restringida&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjVmvqS847gAhVBUxoKHatUA_sQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Pero%20a%C3%BAn%20rechazando%20la%20autoridad%20absoluta%2C%20universal%20e%20infalible%20de%20los%20hombres%20de%20ciencia%2C%20nos%20inclinamos%20voluntariamente%20ante%20la%20autoridad%20respetable%2C%20pero%20relativa%2C%20muy%20pasajera%2C%20muy%20restringida&f=false

“Yo no soy ni un sabio ni un filósofo, ni siquiera un escritor de oficio. He escrito muy poco en mi vida y solamente lo he hecho, por decirlo así, a pelo, cuando una convicción apasionada me forzaba a vencer mi repugnancia instintiva contra toda exhibición de mi propio yo en público. ¿Quién soy yo, pues? y ¿qué es lo que me impulsa ahora a publicar este trabajo? Yo soy un buscador apasionado de la verdad y un enemigo, no menos apasionado, de las ficciones desgraciadas con que el partido del orden, ese representante oficial, privilegiado e interesado en todas las torpezas religiosas, metafísicas, políticas, jurídicas, económicas y sociales, presentes y pasadas, pretende servirse, todavía hoy, para dominar y esclavizar al mundo. Yo soy un amante fanático de la libertad, a la que considero como el único medio, en el seno de la cual pueden desarrollarse y agrandarse la inteligencia, la dignidad y la felicidad de los hombres… La libertad que consiste en el pleno desarrollo de todas las potencias materiales, intelectuales y morales que se encuentran latentes en cada uno… Yo entiendo esta libertad como algo que, lejos de ser un límite para la libertad del otro, encuentra, por el contrario, en esa libertad del otro su confirmación y su extensión al infinito; la libertad limitada de cada uno por la libertad de todos, la libertad por la solidaridad, la libertad en la igualdad; la libertad que triunfa de la fuerza bruta y del principio de autoridad, que no fue nunca más que la expresión ideal de esta fuerza… Yo soy partidario convencido de la igualdad económica y social, porque sé que, fuera de esta igualdad, la libertad, la justicia, la dignidad humana, la moralidad y el bienestar de los individuos, así como la prosperidad de las naciones no serán nunca nada más que mentiras.”

Fuente: Ética y poder político en M. Bakunin. Editorial Universidad de Deusto, 2009. ISBN 9788498308532. p. 19. https://books.google.es/books?id=eHh_1wfUJJoC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%C3%89tica+y+poder+pol%C3%ADtico+en+M.+Bakunin&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiOu8ut9o7gAhWKxYUKHVShBqgQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Yo%20no%20soy%20ni%20un%20sabio%20ni%20un%20fil%C3%B3sofo%2C%20ni%20siquiera%20un%20escritor&f=false

Michail Bakunin Frases y Citas

“Si no hubiera sido inventada la sociedad, el hombre habría seguido siendo una bestia salvaje, o, lo que viene a ser lo mismo, un santo.”

Fuente: N: Revista de cultura, números 127-135. Colaborador Clarin (Firm). Editorial Clarin, 2006. p. 66.

“Todo pueblo, provincia y municipio tienen derecho ilimitado a su completa independencia, con tal que su constitución interna no amenace la independencia y la libertad del territorio vecino.”

Fuente: La Iglesia y García, Gustavo. Caracteres del anarquismo en la actualidad. 2ª Edición. Editorial Gustavo Gili, 1907. p. 172.

“Algún día el yunque, cansado de ser yunque, pasará a ser martillo.”

Fuente: Amate Pou, Jordi. Paseando por una parte de la Historia: Antología de citas. Editorial Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España, 2017. ISBN 9788417321871. p. 11.

“Basta un amo en el cielo para que haya mil en la tierra.”

Fuente: Palomo Triguero, Eduardo. Cita-logía. Editorial Punto Rojo Libros,S.L. ISBN 978-84-16068-10-4. p. 246.

“El Estado es un inmenso cementerio al que van a enterrarse todas las manifestaciones de la vida individual.”

Variación: «El Estado es un matadero, un inmenso cementerio; en él van a morir todas las aspiraciones del pueblo y todas las fuerzas vivas del país».
Fuente: Cartilla conceptual sobre estado y descentralización. Volumen 5 de Evolución y estado de la descentralización. Contribuidores Rafael López, Bolivia. Viceministerio de Descentralización. Editor Ministerio de la Presidencia, Viceministerio de Descentralización, 2007. p. 1.
Fuente: Rogelio Medina Rubio. Teoría de la Educación https://books.google.es/books?isbn=997764750X. EUNED, 1992; p. 132 (citado por O. Fullat). ISBN 9789977647500.

“El Estado es un mecanismo históricamente temporal, una forma transitoria de sociedad.”

Fuente: Amate Pou, Jordi. Paseando por una parte de la Historia: Antología de citas. Editorial Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España, 2017. ISBN 9788417321871. p. 10.

“Hago un llamamiento a la destrucción de la idea de dios.”

Fuente: Amate Pou, Jordi. Paseando por una parte de la Historia: Antología de citas. Editorial Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España, 2017. ISBN 9788417321871. p. 13.

“Hasta en las democracias más puras, como los Estados Unidos y Suiza una minoría privilegiada detenta el poder contra la mayoría esclavizada.”

Fuente: Granados Atlaco, Miguel Ángel. Derecho penal electoral mexicano. Editorial Porrúa, 2005. ISBN 9789700756028. p. 16.

“La pasión por la destrucción es también la pasión creativa.”

Fuente: Bronckart, Jean-Paul; Bota, Christian. Bajtín desenmascarado: Historia de un mentiroso, una estafa y un delirio colectivo. Volumen 4 de Machado Nuevo Aprendizaje. Traducido por Cristina Ridruejo Ramos, Eric Jalain Fernández. Editorial Antonio Machado Libros, 2015. ISBN 9788491140917.

“Ninguna legislación tuvo otro fin que consolidar un sistema de despojo del pueblo trabajador por medio de la clase dominante.”

Fuente: Amate Pou, Jordi. Paseando por una parte de la Historia: Antología de citas. Editorial Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España, 2017. ISBN 9788417321871. p. 12.

“No miremos, pues, nunca atrás, miremos siempre hacia adelante, porque adelante está nuestro sol y nuestra salvación; y si es permitido, si es útil y necesario volver nuestra vista al estudio de nuestro pasado, no es más que para comprobar lo que hemos sido y lo que no debemos ser más, lo que hemos creído y pensado, y lo que no debemos creer ni pensar más, lo que hemos hecho y lo que no debemos volver a hacer.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 115. https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=No%20miremos%2C%20pues%2C%20nunca%20atr%C3%A1s&f=false

“Nunca conseguiremos destruir el estado ampliándolo.”

Frase dirigida a Marx.
Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 8 https://books.google.es/books?id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dios+Y+El+Estado&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiV3tDjqIzgAhW_AWMBHcqPD3cQ6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Nunca%20conseguiremos%20destruir%20el%20estado%20ampli%C3%A1ndolo%C2%BB&f=false

“Ejercer el poder corrompe. Someterse al poder degrada.”

Fuente: Etznab, Kenai. Poemas de Utilidad Política 7.3. Editorial Lulu.com. ISBN 9780557138807.

“El cristianismo es, precisamente, la religión por excelencia, porque expone y manifiesta, en su plenitud, la naturaleza, la propia esencia de todo sistema religioso, que es el empobrecimiento, el sometimiento, el aniquilamiento de la humanidad.”

Citas de sus libros, Dios y el estado
Fuente: Página 119. https://books.google.es/books?hl=es&id=Qlp5fW4pJP8C&dq=Dios+y+el+Estado.+El+viejo+Topo&q=El+cristianismo+es%2C+precisamente%2C+la+religi%C3%B3n+por+excelencia#v=snippet&q=El%20cristianismo%20es%2C%20precisamente%2C%20la%20religi%C3%B3n%20por%20excelencia&f=false

Michail Bakunin: Frases en inglés

“Political Freedom without economic equality is a pretense, a fraud, a lie; and the workers want no lying.”

"The Red Association" http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/writings/ch05.htm (1870)

“I am not myself free or human until or unless I recognize the freedom and humanity of all my fellowmen.
Only in respecting their human character do I respect my own. …
I am truly free only when all human beings, men and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation.”

Variant translations:
A natural society, in the midst of which every man is born and outside of which he could never become a rational and free being, becomes humanized only in the measure that all men comprising it become, individually and collectively, free to an ever greater extent.
Note 1. To be personally free means for every man living in a social milieu not to surrender his thought or will to any authority but his own reason and his own understanding of justice; in a word, not to recognize any other truth but the one which he himself has arrived at, and not to submit to any other law but the one accepted by his own conscience. Such is the indispensable condition for the observance of human dignity, the incontestable right of man, the sign of his humanity.
To be free collectively means to live among free people and to be free by virtue of their freedom. As we have already pointed out, man cannot become a rational being, possessing a rational will, (and consequently he could not achieve individual freedom) apart from society and without its aid. Thus the freedom of everyone is the result of universal solidarity. But if we recognize this solidarity as the basis and condition of every individual freedom, it becomes evident that a man living among slaves, even in the capacity of their master, will necessarily become the slave of that state of slavery, and that only by emancipating himself from such slavery will he become free himself.
Thus, too, the freedom of all is essential to my freedom. And it follows that it would be fallacious to maintain that the freedom of all constitutes a limit for and a limitation upon my freedom, for that would be tantamount to the denial of such freedom. On the contrary, universal freedom represents the necessary affirmation and boundless expansion of individual freedom.
This passage was translated as Part III : The System of Anarchism , Ch. 13: Summation, Section VI, in The Political Philosophy of Bakunin : Scientific Anarchism (1953), compiled and edited by G. P. Maximoff
Man does not become man, nor does he achieve awareness or realization of his humanity, other than in society and in the collective movement of the whole society; he only shakes off the yoke of internal nature through collective or social labor... and without his material emancipation there can be no intellectual or moral emancipation for anyone... man in isolation can have no awareness of his liberty. Being free for man means being acknowledged, considered and treated as such by another man, and by all the men around him. Liberty is therefore a feature not of isolation but of interaction, not of exclusion but rather of connection... I myself am human and free only to the extent that I acknowledge the humanity and liberty of all my fellows... I am properly free when all the men and women about me are equally free. Far from being a limitation or a denial of my liberty, the liberty of another is its necessary condition and confirmation.
Man, Society, and Freedom (1871)
Contexto: The materialistic, realistic, and collectivist conception of freedom, as opposed to the idealistic, is this: Man becomes conscious of himself and his humanity only in society and only by the collective action of the whole society. He frees himself from the yoke of external nature only by collective and social labor, which alone can transform the earth into an abode favorable to the development of humanity. Without such material emancipation the intellectual and moral emancipation of the individual is impossible. He can emancipate himself from the yoke of his own nature, i. e. subordinate his instincts and the movements of his body to the conscious direction of his mind, the development of which is fostered only by education and training. But education and training are preeminently and exclusively social … hence the isolated individual cannot possibly become conscious of his freedom.
To be free … means to be acknowledged and treated as such by all his fellowmen. The liberty of every individual is only the reflection of his own humanity, or his human right through the conscience of all free men, his brothers and his equals.
I can feel free only in the presence of and in relationship with other men. In the presence of an inferior species of animal I am neither free nor a man, because this animal is incapable of conceiving and consequently recognizing my humanity. I am not myself free or human until or unless I recognize the freedom and humanity of all my fellowmen.
Only in respecting their human character do I respect my own....
I am truly free only when all human beings, men and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation.

“I eagerly await tomorrow's mail to have news of Russia and Poland. For now, I have to content myself with a few vague rumors which float around. I have heard about new, bloody skirmishes in Poland between the people and troops; I was told that, even in Russia, there was a conspiracy against the czar and the whole royal family.
I am equally passionate about the struggle between the North and the Southern American states. Of course, my heart goes out to the North. But alas! It is the South who acted with the most force, wisdom, and solidarity, which makes them worthy of the triumph they have received in every encounter so far. It is true that the South has been preparing for war for three years now, while the North has been forced to improvise. The surprising success of the ventures of the American people, for the most part happy; the banality of the material well being, where the heart is absent; and the national vanity, altogether infantile and sustained with very little cost; all seem to have helped deprave these people, and perhaps this stubborn struggle will be beneficial to them in so much as it helps the nation regain its lost soul. This is my first impression; but it could very well be that I will change my mind upon seeing things up close. The only thing is, I will not have enough time to examine really closely.”

Letter http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/bakunin/letters/toherzenandogareff.html to Aleksandr Ivanovich Herzen and Ogareff from San Francisco (3 October 1861); published in Correspondance de Michel Bakounine (1896) edited by Michel Dragmanov

“A jealous lover of human liberty, deeming it the absolute condition of all that we admire and respect in humanity, I reverse the phrase of Voltaire, and say that, if God really existed, it would be necessary to abolish him.”

Mikhail Bakunin libro Dios y el Estado

Amoureux et jaloux de la liberté humaine, et la considérant comme la condition absolue de tout ce que nous adorons et respectons dans l'humanité, je retourne la phrase de Voltaire, et je dis : Si Dieu existait réellement, il faudrait le faire disparaître.
Fuente: God and the State (1871; publ. 1882), Ch. II; Variants or variant translations of this statement have also been attributed to Bakunin:
The first revolt is against the supreme tyranny of theology, of the phantom of God. As long as we have a master in heaven, we will be slaves on earth.
A boss in Heaven is the best excuse for a boss on earth, therefore If God did exist, he would have to be abolished.

“To revolt is a natural tendency of life. Even a worm turns against the foot that crushes it. In general, the vitality and relative dignity of an animal can be measured by the intensity of its instinct to revolt.”

"On the International Workingmen's Association and Karl Marx" https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/1872/karl-marx.htm (1872)

“Thence results, for science as well as for industry, the necessity of the division and association of labor. I receive and I give — such is human life. Each directs and is directed in his turn. Therefore there is no fixed and constant authority, but a continual exchange of mutual, temporary, and, above all, voluntary authority and subordination.”

Mikhail Bakunin libro Dios y el Estado

God and the State (1871; publ. 1882)
Contexto: I bow before the authority of special men because it is imposed upon me by my own reason. I am conscious of my inability to grasp, in all its details and positive developments, any very large portion of human knowledge. The greatest intelligence would not be equal to a comprehension of the whole. Thence results, for science as well as for industry, the necessity of the division and association of labor. I receive and I give — such is human life. Each directs and is directed in his turn. Therefore there is no fixed and constant authority, but a continual exchange of mutual, temporary, and, above all, voluntary authority and subordination.

“Does it follow that I reject all authority? Far from me such a thought. In the matter of boots, I refer to the authority of the bootmaker; concerning houses, canals, or railroads, I consult that of the architect or engineer. For such or such special knowledge I apply to such or such a savant.”

Mikhail Bakunin libro Dios y el Estado

But I allow neither the bootmaker nor the architect nor the savant to impose his authority upon me. I listen to them freely and with all the respect merited by their intelligence, their character, their knowledge, reserving always my incontestable right of criticism and censure. I do not content myself with consulting authority in any special branch; I consult several; I compare their opinions, and choose that which seems to me the soundest. But I recognize no infallible authority, even in special questions; consequently, whatever respect I may have for the honesty and the sincerity of such or such an individual, I have no absolute faith in any person. Such a faith would be fatal to my reason, to my liberty, and even to the success of my undertakings; it would immediately transform me into a stupid slave, an instrument of the will and interests of others.
God and the State (1871; publ. 1882)

“Man becomes conscious of himself and his humanity only in society and only by the collective action of the whole society.”

Variant translations:
A natural society, in the midst of which every man is born and outside of which he could never become a rational and free being, becomes humanized only in the measure that all men comprising it become, individually and collectively, free to an ever greater extent.
Note 1. To be personally free means for every man living in a social milieu not to surrender his thought or will to any authority but his own reason and his own understanding of justice; in a word, not to recognize any other truth but the one which he himself has arrived at, and not to submit to any other law but the one accepted by his own conscience. Such is the indispensable condition for the observance of human dignity, the incontestable right of man, the sign of his humanity.
To be free collectively means to live among free people and to be free by virtue of their freedom. As we have already pointed out, man cannot become a rational being, possessing a rational will, (and consequently he could not achieve individual freedom) apart from society and without its aid. Thus the freedom of everyone is the result of universal solidarity. But if we recognize this solidarity as the basis and condition of every individual freedom, it becomes evident that a man living among slaves, even in the capacity of their master, will necessarily become the slave of that state of slavery, and that only by emancipating himself from such slavery will he become free himself.
Thus, too, the freedom of all is essential to my freedom. And it follows that it would be fallacious to maintain that the freedom of all constitutes a limit for and a limitation upon my freedom, for that would be tantamount to the denial of such freedom. On the contrary, universal freedom represents the necessary affirmation and boundless expansion of individual freedom.
This passage was translated as Part III : The System of Anarchism , Ch. 13: Summation, Section VI, in The Political Philosophy of Bakunin : Scientific Anarchism (1953), compiled and edited by G. P. Maximoff
Man does not become man, nor does he achieve awareness or realization of his humanity, other than in society and in the collective movement of the whole society; he only shakes off the yoke of internal nature through collective or social labor... and without his material emancipation there can be no intellectual or moral emancipation for anyone... man in isolation can have no awareness of his liberty. Being free for man means being acknowledged, considered and treated as such by another man, and by all the men around him. Liberty is therefore a feature not of isolation but of interaction, not of exclusion but rather of connection... I myself am human and free only to the extent that I acknowledge the humanity and liberty of all my fellows... I am properly free when all the men and women about me are equally free. Far from being a limitation or a denial of my liberty, the liberty of another is its necessary condition and confirmation.
Man, Society, and Freedom (1871)
Contexto: The materialistic, realistic, and collectivist conception of freedom, as opposed to the idealistic, is this: Man becomes conscious of himself and his humanity only in society and only by the collective action of the whole society. He frees himself from the yoke of external nature only by collective and social labor, which alone can transform the earth into an abode favorable to the development of humanity. Without such material emancipation the intellectual and moral emancipation of the individual is impossible. He can emancipate himself from the yoke of his own nature, i. e. subordinate his instincts and the movements of his body to the conscious direction of his mind, the development of which is fostered only by education and training. But education and training are preeminently and exclusively social … hence the isolated individual cannot possibly become conscious of his freedom.
To be free … means to be acknowledged and treated as such by all his fellowmen. The liberty of every individual is only the reflection of his own humanity, or his human right through the conscience of all free men, his brothers and his equals.
I can feel free only in the presence of and in relationship with other men. In the presence of an inferior species of animal I am neither free nor a man, because this animal is incapable of conceiving and consequently recognizing my humanity. I am not myself free or human until or unless I recognize the freedom and humanity of all my fellowmen.
Only in respecting their human character do I respect my own....
I am truly free only when all human beings, men and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation.

“What all other men are is of the greatest importance to me. However independent I may imagine myself to be, however far removed I may appear from mundane considerations by my social status, I am enslaved to the misery of the meanest member of society.”

Solidarity in Liberty: The Workers' Path to Freedom (1867)
Contexto: What all other men are is of the greatest importance to me. However independent I may imagine myself to be, however far removed I may appear from mundane considerations by my social status, I am enslaved to the misery of the meanest member of society. The outcast is my daily menace. Whether I am Pope, Czar, Emperor, or even Prime Minister, I am always the creature of their circumstance, the conscious product of their ignorance, want and clamoring. They are in slavery, and I, the superior one, am enslaved in consequence.

“There is no horror, no cruelty, sacrilege, or perjury, no imposture, no infamous transaction, no cynical robbery, no bold plunder or shabby betrayal that has not been or is not daily being perpetrated by the representatives of the states, under no other pretext than those elastic words, so convenient and yet so terrible: "for reasons of state."”

Fuente: Rousseau's Theory of the State (1873)
Contexto: We … have humanity divided into an indefinite number of foreign states, all hostile and threatened by each other. There is no common right, no social contract of any kind between them; otherwise they would cease to be independent states and become the federated members of one great state. But unless this great state were to embrace all of humanity, it would be confronted with other great states, each federated within, each maintaining the same posture of inevitable hostility. War would still remain the supreme law, an unavoidable condition of human survival.
Every state, federated or not, would therefore seek to become the most powerful. It must devour lest it be devoured, conquer lest it be conquered, enslave lest it be enslaved, since two powers, similar and yet alien to each other, could not coexist without mutual destruction.
The State, therefore, is the most flagrant, the most cynical, and the most complete negation of humanity. It shatters the universal solidarity of all men on the earth, and brings some of them into association only for the purpose of destroying, conquering, and enslaving all the rest. It protects its own citizens only; it recognises human rights, humanity, civilisation within its own confines alone. Since it recognises no rights outside itself, it logically arrogates to itself the right to exercise the most ferocious inhumanity toward all foreign populations, which it can plunder, exterminate, or enslave at will. If it does show itself generous and humane toward them, it is never through a sense of duty, for it has no duties except to itself in the first place, and then to those of its members who have freely formed it, who freely continue to constitute it or even, as always happens in the long run, those who have become its subjects. As there is no international law in existence, and as it could never exist in a meaningful and realistic way without undermining to its foundations the very principle of the absolute sovereignty of the State, the State can have no duties toward foreign populations. Hence, if it treats a conquered people in a humane fashion, if it plunders or exterminates it halfway only, if it does not reduce it to the lowest degree of slavery, this may be a political act inspired by prudence, or even by pure magnanimity, but it is never done from a sense of duty, for the State has an absolute right to dispose of a conquered people at will.
This flagrant negation of humanity which constitutes the very essence of the State is, from the standpoint of the State, its supreme duty and its greatest virtue. It bears the name patriotism, and it constitutes the entire transcendent morality of the State. We call it transcendent morality because it usually goes beyond the level of human morality and justice, either of the community or of the private individual, and by that same token often finds itself in contradiction with these. Thus, to offend, to oppress, to despoil, to plunder, to assassinate or enslave one's fellowman is ordinarily regarded as a crime. In public life, on the other hand, from the standpoint of patriotism, when these things are done for the greater glory of the State, for the preservation or the extension of its power, it is all transformed into duty and virtue. And this virtue, this duty, are obligatory for each patriotic citizen; everyone is supposed to exercise them not against foreigners only but against one's own fellow citizens, members or subjects of the State like himself, whenever the welfare of the State demands it.
This explains why, since the birth of the State, the world of politics has always been and continues to be the stage for unlimited rascality and brigandage, brigandage and rascality which, by the way, are held in high esteem, since they are sanctified by patriotism, by the transcendent morality and the supreme interest of the State. This explains why the entire history of ancient and modern states is merely a series of revolting crimes; why kings and ministers, past and present, of all times and all countries — statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors — if judged from the standpoint of simple morality and human justice, have a hundred, a thousand times over earned their sentence to hard labour or to the gallows. There is no horror, no cruelty, sacrilege, or perjury, no imposture, no infamous transaction, no cynical robbery, no bold plunder or shabby betrayal that has not been or is not daily being perpetrated by the representatives of the states, under no other pretext than those elastic words, so convenient and yet so terrible: "for reasons of state."

“Even the most wretched individual of our present society could not exist and develop without the cumulative social efforts of countless generations.”

As quoted in The Philosophy of Bakunin (1953) edited by G. P. Maximoff, p. 158<!-- (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press) -->
Contexto: Even the most wretched individual of our present society could not exist and develop without the cumulative social efforts of countless generations. Thus the individual, his freedom and reason, are the products of society, and not vice versa: society is not the product of individuals comprising it; and the higher, the more fully the individual is developed, the greater his freedom — and the more he is the product of society, the more does he receive from society and the greater his debt to it.

“I am a fanatic lover of liberty, considering it as the unique condition under which intelligence, dignity and human happiness can develop and grow;”

"La Commune de Paris et la notion de l'état" (The Commune of Paris and the notion of the state) http://libcom.org/library/paris-commune-mikhail-bakunin as quoted in Noam Chomsky: Notes on Anarchism (1970) http://pbahq.smartcampaigns.com/node/222
Contexto: I am a fanatic lover of liberty, considering it as the unique condition under which intelligence, dignity and human happiness can develop and grow; not the purely formal liberty conceded, measured out and regulated by the State, an eternal lie which in reality represents nothing more than the privilege of some founded on the slavery of the rest; not the individualistic, egoistic, shabby, and fictitious liberty extolled by the School of J.-J. Rousseau and other schools of bourgeois liberalism, which considers the would-be rights of all men, represented by the State which limits the rights of each — an idea that leads inevitably to the reduction of the rights of each to zero. No, I mean the only kind of liberty that is worthy of the name, liberty that consists in the full development of all the material, intellectual and moral powers that are latent in each person; liberty that recognizes no restrictions other than those determined by the laws of our own individual nature, which cannot properly be regarded as restrictions since these laws are not imposed by any outside legislator beside or above us, but are immanent and inherent, forming the very basis of our material, intellectual and moral being — they do not limit us but are the real and immediate conditions of our freedom.

“This flagrant negation of humanity which constitutes the very essence of the State is, from the standpoint of the State, its supreme duty and its greatest virtue.”

Rousseau's Theory of the State (1873)
Contexto: We … have humanity divided into an indefinite number of foreign states, all hostile and threatened by each other. There is no common right, no social contract of any kind between them; otherwise they would cease to be independent states and become the federated members of one great state. But unless this great state were to embrace all of humanity, it would be confronted with other great states, each federated within, each maintaining the same posture of inevitable hostility. War would still remain the supreme law, an unavoidable condition of human survival.
Every state, federated or not, would therefore seek to become the most powerful. It must devour lest it be devoured, conquer lest it be conquered, enslave lest it be enslaved, since two powers, similar and yet alien to each other, could not coexist without mutual destruction.
The State, therefore, is the most flagrant, the most cynical, and the most complete negation of humanity. It shatters the universal solidarity of all men on the earth, and brings some of them into association only for the purpose of destroying, conquering, and enslaving all the rest. It protects its own citizens only; it recognises human rights, humanity, civilisation within its own confines alone. Since it recognises no rights outside itself, it logically arrogates to itself the right to exercise the most ferocious inhumanity toward all foreign populations, which it can plunder, exterminate, or enslave at will. If it does show itself generous and humane toward them, it is never through a sense of duty, for it has no duties except to itself in the first place, and then to those of its members who have freely formed it, who freely continue to constitute it or even, as always happens in the long run, those who have become its subjects. As there is no international law in existence, and as it could never exist in a meaningful and realistic way without undermining to its foundations the very principle of the absolute sovereignty of the State, the State can have no duties toward foreign populations. Hence, if it treats a conquered people in a humane fashion, if it plunders or exterminates it halfway only, if it does not reduce it to the lowest degree of slavery, this may be a political act inspired by prudence, or even by pure magnanimity, but it is never done from a sense of duty, for the State has an absolute right to dispose of a conquered people at will.
This flagrant negation of humanity which constitutes the very essence of the State is, from the standpoint of the State, its supreme duty and its greatest virtue. It bears the name patriotism, and it constitutes the entire transcendent morality of the State. We call it transcendent morality because it usually goes beyond the level of human morality and justice, either of the community or of the private individual, and by that same token often finds itself in contradiction with these. Thus, to offend, to oppress, to despoil, to plunder, to assassinate or enslave one's fellowman is ordinarily regarded as a crime. In public life, on the other hand, from the standpoint of patriotism, when these things are done for the greater glory of the State, for the preservation or the extension of its power, it is all transformed into duty and virtue. And this virtue, this duty, are obligatory for each patriotic citizen; everyone is supposed to exercise them not against foreigners only but against one's own fellow citizens, members or subjects of the State like himself, whenever the welfare of the State demands it.
This explains why, since the birth of the State, the world of politics has always been and continues to be the stage for unlimited rascality and brigandage, brigandage and rascality which, by the way, are held in high esteem, since they are sanctified by patriotism, by the transcendent morality and the supreme interest of the State. This explains why the entire history of ancient and modern states is merely a series of revolting crimes; why kings and ministers, past and present, of all times and all countries — statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors — if judged from the standpoint of simple morality and human justice, have a hundred, a thousand times over earned their sentence to hard labour or to the gallows. There is no horror, no cruelty, sacrilege, or perjury, no imposture, no infamous transaction, no cynical robbery, no bold plunder or shabby betrayal that has not been or is not daily being perpetrated by the representatives of the states, under no other pretext than those elastic words, so convenient and yet so terrible: "for reasons of state."

“All people and all men are filled with a kind of premonition, and everyone whose vital organs are not paralyzed faces with shuddering expectation the approaching future which will utter the redeeming word.”

"The Reaction in Germany" (1842)
Contexto: Everywhere, especially in France and England, social and religious societies are being formed which are wholly alien to the world of present-day politics, societies that derive their life from new sources quite unknown to us and that grow and diffuse themselves without fanfare. The people, the poor class, which without doubt constitutes the greatest part of humanity; the class whose rights have already been recognized in theory but which is nevertheless still despised for its birth, for its ties with poverty and ignorance, as well as indeed with actual slavery – this class, which constitutes the true people, is everywhere assuming a threatening attitude and is beginning to count the ranks of its enemy, far weaker in numbers than itself, and to demand the actualization of the right already conceded to it by everyone. All people and all men are filled with a kind of premonition, and everyone whose vital organs are not paralyzed faces with shuddering expectation the approaching future which will utter the redeeming word. Even in Russia, the boundless snow-covered kingdom so little known, and which perhaps also has a great future in store, even in Russia dark clouds are gathering, heralding storm. Oh, the air is sultry and pregnant with lightning.
And therefore we call to our deluded brothers: Repent, repent, the Kingdom of the Lord is at hand!

“FREEDOM, the realization of freedom: who can deny that this is what today heads the agenda of history?”

"The Reaction in Germany" (1842) http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/1842/reaction-germany.htm, Bakunin's first political writings, under the pseudonym "Jules Elysard"; it was not until 1860 that he began to publicly assert a stance of firm atheism and vigorous rejection of traditional religious institutions.
Contexto: FREEDOM, the realization of freedom: who can deny that this is what today heads the agenda of history? … Revolutionary propaganda is in its deepest sense the negation of the existing conditions of the State, for, with respect to its innermost nature, it has no other program than the destruction of whatever order prevails at the time.... We must not only act politically, but in our politics act religiously, religiously in the sense of freedom, of which the one true expression is justice and love. Indeed, for us alone, who are called the enemies of the Christian religion, for us alone it is reserved, and even made the highest duty … really to exercise love, this highest commandment of Christ and this only way to true Christianity.

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