Frases de Rosa Luxemburgo

Rosa Luxemburg, en alemán, o Róża Luksemburg, en polaco, más conocida por su nombre castellanizado Rosa Luxemburgo , fue una teórica marxista de origen judío.

Militó en el Partido Socialdemócrata de Alemania , hasta que en 1914 se opuso a la participación de los socialdemócratas en la I Guerra Mundial, por considerarla un «enfrentamiento entre imperialistas». Integró, desde entonces, el grupo internacional que en 1916 se convirtió en la Liga Espartaquista, un grupo marxista que será luego el origen del Partido Comunista de Alemania . Al terminar la guerra fundó el periódico La Bandera Roja, junto con el alemán Karl Liebknecht. Sus libros más conocidos, publicados en castellano, son Reforma o Revolución , Huelga de masas, partido y sindicato , La Acumulación del Capital y La revolución rusa , en el cual critica constructivamente a la misma y sostiene que la manera soviética de hacer la revolución no puede ser universalizada para todas las latitudes.

Tomó parte en la frustrada revolución de 1919 en Berlín, aun cuando este levantamiento tuvo lugar en contra de sus consejos. La revuelta fue sofocada con la intervención del ejército y la actuación de los freikorps o 'cuerpos libres' , en colaboración con el sector mayoritario del partido socialdemócrata. A su término, cientos de personas, entre ellas Rosa Luxemburgo, fueron encarceladas, torturadas y asesinadas por dichos grupos.

Tanto Rosa Luxemburgo como Karl Liebknecht poseen una gran carga simbólica para el marxismo, especialmente en Alemania. Actualmente, un domingo a mediados de enero se celebra, cada año, en Berlín, el día de Rosa Luxemburgo y Karl Liebknecht, en recuerdo del asesinato de los dos dirigentes comunistas el 15 de enero de 1919.

✵ 5. marzo 1871 – 15. enero 1919
Rosa Luxemburgo Foto
Rosa Luxemburgo: 68   frases 10   Me gusta

Frases célebres de Rosa Luxemburgo

“Quien no se mueve, no siente las cadenas.”

Sin fuentes

Frases sobre el combate de Rosa Luxemburgo

Rosa Luxemburgo: Frases en inglés

Rosa Luxemburg frase: “Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.”

“Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.”

As is often the case, this quote appears to be something Luxemburg could have said or written, but searches for a source have been unsuccessful. While Luxemburg often used metaphors of breaking or shattering chains, this, apparently, is not one of them. See: https://librarianshipwreck.wordpress.com/2013/07/06/reference-desk-unanswered-questions/

“Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it.”

The Junius Pamphlet http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1915/junius/index.htm (1915)
Contexto: Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it. Capital is an historical necessity, but, so too, its grave digger, the socialist proletariat.

“The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight…”

"The Politics of Mass Strikes and Unions"; Collected Works 2 <!-- p. 465 -->
Contexto: The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight... That's exactly what is laudable about it, that's exactly why this colossal piece of culture, within the modern workers' movement, is epoch-defining: that the great masses of the working people first forge from their own consciousness, from their own belief, and even from their own understanding the weapons of their own liberation.

“The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics.”

"In the Storm" in Le Socialiste http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/05/01.htm as translated by Mitch Abidor (1 - 8 May 1904)
Contexto: The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics.
And its in this that the real meaning of the current war resides for social-democracy, even if we set aside its immediate effect: the collapse of Russian absolutism. This war brings the gaze of the international proletariat back to the great political and economic connectedness of the world, and violently dissipates in our ranks the particularism, the pettiness of ideas that form in any period of political calm.
The war completely rends all the veils which the bourgeois world – this world of economic, political and social fetishism – constantly wraps us in.
The war destroys the appearance which leads us to believe in peaceful social evolution; in the omnipotence and the untouchability of bourgeois legality; in national exclusivism; in the stability of political conditions; in the conscious direction of politics by these “statesmen” or parties; in the significance capable of shaking up the world of the squabbles in bourgeois parliaments; in parliamentarism as the so-called center of social existence.
War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths.

“War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths.”

"In the Storm" in Le Socialiste http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/05/01.htm as translated by Mitch Abidor (1 - 8 May 1904)
Contexto: The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics.
And its in this that the real meaning of the current war resides for social-democracy, even if we set aside its immediate effect: the collapse of Russian absolutism. This war brings the gaze of the international proletariat back to the great political and economic connectedness of the world, and violently dissipates in our ranks the particularism, the pettiness of ideas that form in any period of political calm.
The war completely rends all the veils which the bourgeois world – this world of economic, political and social fetishism – constantly wraps us in.
The war destroys the appearance which leads us to believe in peaceful social evolution; in the omnipotence and the untouchability of bourgeois legality; in national exclusivism; in the stability of political conditions; in the conscious direction of politics by these “statesmen” or parties; in the significance capable of shaking up the world of the squabbles in bourgeois parliaments; in parliamentarism as the so-called center of social existence.
War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths.

“Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule.”

"The Problem with Dictatorship" in The Russian Revolution http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1918/russian-revolution/ch06.htm as translated by Bertram Wolfe (1918)
Contexto: Public control is indispensably necessary. Otherwise the exchange of experiences remains only with the closed circle of the officials of the new regime. Corruption becomes inevitable. (Lenin’s words, Bulletin No.29) Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule. Social instincts in place of egotistical ones, mass initiative in place of inertia, idealism which conquers all suffering, etc., etc. No one knows this better, describes it more penetratingly; repeats it more stubbornly than Lenin. But he is completely mistaken in the means he employs. Decree, dictatorial force of the factory overseer, draconian penalties, rule by terror – all these things are but palliatives. The only way to a rebirth is the school of public life itself, the most unlimited, the broadest democracy and public opinion. It is rule by terror which demoralizes.

“Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.”

Fuente: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Six, "The Problem of Dictatorship"
Contexto: Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of “justice” but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when “freedom” becomes a special privilege.

“The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses.”

"Order reigns in Berlin", Last written words. Collected Works 4 <!-- p. 536 -->
Contexto: The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses. The masses are the decisive element, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built. The masses were on the heights; they have developed this 'defeat' into one of the historical defeats which are the pride and strength of international socialism. And that is why the future victory will bloom from this 'defeat'.
'Order reigns in Berlin!' You stupid henchmen! Your 'order' is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will already 'raise itself with a rattle' and announce with fanfare, to your terror: I was, I am, I will be!

“Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters.”

Die russische Revolution. Eine kritische Würdigung (1920) p. 109 <!-- and in Rosa Luxemburg - Gesammelte Werke Vol. 4, p. 359, Footnote 3, Dietz Verlag Berlin (Ost), 1983 -->
This contains probably her most famous statement: Freiheit ist immer Freiheit der Andersdenkenden, translated as "Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters."
Variant: Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.
Contexto: Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters. The essence of political freedom depends not on the fanatics of 'justice', but rather on all the invigorating, beneficial, and detergent effects of dissenters. If 'freedom' becomes 'privilege', the workings of political freedom are broken.

“The working class will acquire the sense of the new discipline, the freely assumed self-discipline of the Social Democracy, not as a result of the discipline imposed on it by the capitalist state, but by extirpating, to the last root, its old habits of obedience and servility.”

Organizational Questions of the Russian Social Democracy http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/questions-rsd/ch01.htm (1904)
Contexto: The self-discipline of the Social Democracy is not merely the replacement of the authority of bourgeois rulers with the authority of a socialist central committee. The working class will acquire the sense of the new discipline, the freely assumed self-discipline of the Social Democracy, not as a result of the discipline imposed on it by the capitalist state, but by extirpating, to the last root, its old habits of obedience and servility.

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